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Pogledi na revščino: iz korespondence Ivana Puclja, ministra za socialno politiko in narodno zdravje Kraljevine Jugoslavije
Full text linkA LOOK AT POVERTY: FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF IVAN PUCELJ, MINISTER OF SOCIAL POLICY AND NATIONAL HEALTH OF THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIAIn her contribution the author focuses on poverty in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the first half of the 1930s, when the global economic crisis also affected the first Yugoslav state profoundly. The author attempts to capture the perception of poverty in the time before World War II from the correspondence of Ivan Pucelj, Minister of Social Policy and National Health, who used to receive requests for monetary aid or help with finding employment from people with various social and educational backgrounds. The contribution focuses on the letters from General Rudolf Maister, painter Rihard Jakopič and cartoonist Hinko Smrekar, dating back to 1932 and 1933, which the author discovered in the legacy of the former Minister
Ideja o krvnem bratstvu južnoslovanskih narodov pri Antonu Novačanu
Full text linkANTON NOVAčAN AND HIS IDEA ON THE BLOOD BROTHERHOOD OF SOUTH SLAVIC NATIONSIn her contribution the author examines the idea of the blood brotherhood of South Slavic nations, which was the basic integration element and criterion of their unification in the context of the official (unitarian) ideology of the first Yugoslav state. On the example of the political activities of Anton Novačan and his Agrarian or Republican Party, which built on the idea of blood brotherhood, the author shows how soon after the establishment of the state the attempt to implement this idea into the Yugoslav political reality was destined to fail
Mariborske poti Leona Novaka - Feliksa
Full text linkLEON NOVAK - FELIKS’S TIME IN MARIBORIn her contribution the author focuses on the political activity of the composer and communist Leon Novak from Maribor in the 1930s and during the first months of the German occupation. In the spring of 1941, after the occupation authorities had been established in Maribor, he became one of the organisers of the Partisan resistance. In the autumn of 1941 Gestapo arrested him and he was shot after being severely tortured. In the Party documents his role was labelled as treacherous, which is why Novak was completely overlooked by the post-war historiography. In her contribu- tion the author focuses especially on Novak’s activities in the Association of Young Intellectuals (1935-1936), his role in the organisation of the large textile strike in Maribor (1936), his political activities related to the National Assembly elections (1938), and his underground activities in the months following the occupation of Maribor until his death. The contribution is based on the preserved archive sources, memorial literature and oral sources
Vranglovci kot jugoslovanski graničarji na Kozjaku v dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja: Primer Simeona Britvina
No full textIn her discussion, the author focuses on the question of how the reception and perception of the northern Yugoslav border (or, rather, the new Yugoslav–Austrian border) in the Kozjansko (popularly Kobansko) region in the 1920s were affected by the fact that the border was guarded by a significant number of soldiers that formerly served under General Peter Wrangel and represented one of the most problematic groups (traumatized by the world war and the Russian civil war) within the population of the Russian emigrants in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes after the First World War. In her cultural and historical study, the author highlights several criminal proceedings and examines in detail the case of a former soldier of the Russian Imperial Army and a Wrangelist Simeon Britvin, who was stationed as a border guard on Kapunar (a hill above Radlje ob Dravi) and in 1922, aided by two Slovenian women, murdered the owner of the farm where the border guardhouse was set up.Avtorica v razpravi namenja pozornost vprašanju, kako je na recepcijo in percepcijo severne jugoslovanske meje (oziroma nove jugoslovansko-avstrijske meje) na Kozjanskem (ljudsko Kobanskem) v dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja vplivalo dejstvo, da so mejo v večjem številu varovali nekdanji vojaki generala Petra Vrangla, ki so bili najbolj problematična (od svetovne in ruske državljanske vojne travmatizirana) skupina ruskih emigrantov v Kraljevini SHS po prvi svetovni vojni. V kulturnozgodovinski študiji avtorica izpostavi več kazenskih zadev, podrobneje pa sledi primeru nekdanjega vojaka ruske carske armade in vranglovca Simeona Britvina, ki je bil kot graničar nastanjen na Kapunarju (vrh nad Radljami ob Dravi) in je leta 1922 ob sodelovanju dveh slovenskih domačink umoril kmečkega posestnika, na čigar domačiji je bila postavljena obmejna stražnica
Anton Korošec, notranji minister leta 1928
No full textIn the following article the author presents the policy of the Slovenian People\u27s Party in the time when its leader Anton Korošec was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government of Velimir Vukićević. The author also discusses in detail the systematic action of the party to prevail in the printed media in the Slovenian territory after the assassination of Stjepan Radić; the motive for the action with the aim of building the society on the Catholic spiritual basis was a controversial caricature showing Korošec in a bloodstained priest\u27s gown with a truncheon, wearing a gendarme\u27s hat.V članku je predstavljena politika Slovenske ljudske stranke v času, ko je bil njen vodja Anton Korošec minister za notranje zadeve v vladi Velimirja Vukićevića. Podrobneje je obravnavana tudi sistematična akcija stranke za prevlado na področju tiskanih medijev v slovenskem prostoru po atentatu na Stjepana Radića. Povod za akcijo, ki je imela za cilj izgrajevanje družbe na katoliški duhovni podlagi, je bila sporna karikatura v časniku Jutro, ki je Korošca prikazovala v okrvavljeni duhovniški obleki, s policijsko palico v roki in z žandarsko kapo na glavi
Vojna po vojni – ljubezenski trikotnik Antona Bračka leta 1920
Full text linkThis cultural and historical treatise is the final part of the trilogy A War after the War (parts I and II were published in Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje and Kronika), focusing on rela- tions among the Styrian peasantry after World War I. The author examines the love triangle between the spouses Anton and Julijana Bračko, and her sister Jožefa Razborčan, who died after her brother in law and forbidden lover had slit her throat in the proximity of her house in the autumn of 1920. The story of Anton Bračko’s life, formerly a soldier of the Austro-Hungarian army, can due to the tragic ending of the rela- tionship be followed in the criminal file of the Maribor District Court. The author states, inter alia, that the war disrupted the firmly anchored patriarchal patterns of Styrian peasant families and addresses the question of criminal files as a historical source.Kulturnozgodovinska študija je zadnji del trilogije Vojna po vojni (prva dva sta bila objavljena v Časopisu za zgodovino in narodopisje ter Kroniki), ki se osredotoča na odnose med štajersko kmečko populacijo po prvi svetovni vojni. Avtorica se v razpravi ukvarja z ljube- zenskim trikotnikom med zakoncema Anto- nom in Julijano Bračko ter njeno sestro Jožefo Razborčan, ki je umrla, potem ko ji je svak in prepovedani ljubimec jeseni 1920 prerezal vrat v bližini domače hiše. Zaradi tragičnega zaključka ljubezenske zveze lahko življenjsko zgodbo nekdanjega vojaka avstro-ogrske vojske Antona Bračka spremljamo v kazenskem spisu mariborskega okrožnega sodišča. Avtorica v študiji mdr. ugotavlja, da je vojna boleče za- majala usidrane patriarhalne vzorce v štajerskih kmečkih družinah, ob koncu pa odpira vprašanje o kazenskih spisih kot zgodovinskem viru
Ruska emigrantka Varvara Višnjevska/ Višnevskaja v Mariboru leta 1932: nemška vohunka, sovjetska provokatorka, komunistična aktivistka ali mladostna avanturistka?
Full text linkThe author outlines Varvara Vishnyevska’s mental and emotional state that can be deduced from the criminal fi le of the Maribor district court. Having arrived in Maribor in late 1932, this young Russian emigrant shook the provincial city when her actions aroused the suspicion that she was a communist and a spy. This belief stemmed from a tighter control of the communist activities in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia after the introduction of the 6 January Dictatorship. The author argues that the cultural and historical background of the dismissed criminal case that illustrates the Russian emigrants’ broken identity and demonstrates the mindset of the young European post-war generation, a part of whom lost their collective identity footholds after the disintegration of the (Austro-Hungarian and Russian) empires and, with the onset of the global economic crisis, clung to romantic adventurism. As a well-organized and, after the October Revolution, a notorious and persecuted political activity in European states, to the young generation communism appeared as a suitable phantasm, a refuge.Avtorica se v razpravi posveča obrisom miselnih in čustvenih stanj Varvare Višnjevske, kakor jih je bilo mogoče sestaviti iz kazenskega spisa okrožnega sodišča v Mariboru. Mlada ruska emigrantka je s prihodom v Maribor ob koncu leta 1932 zatresla ustaljeni ritem provincialnega mesta, ko je s svojim ravnanjem vzbudila sum, da je komunistka in vohunka. Takšno sklepanje je bilo posledica poostrenega nadzora nad komunistično dejavnostjo v Kraljevini Jugoslaviji po nastopu šestojanuarske diktature. Kot ugotavlja avtorica, pa kulturnozgodovinsko ozadje padlega kazenskega primera, ki prepričljivo ilustrira identitetni zlom ruskih emigrantov, obenem nakazuje tudi miselnost mlade evropske povojne generacije, katere del se je z izgubo kolektivnih identitetnih oprijemališč po razpadu imperijev (avstroogrskega in ruskega) ter z nastopom svetovne gospodarske krize oprijel romantičnega avanturizma. Komunizem kot odlično organizirana in po oktobrski revoluciji v evropskih državah razvpita in preganjana politična dejavnost se je zdel ustrezna fantazma – zatočišče generacije
Krepitev vezi med Slovensko ljudsko in Narodno radikalno stranko po padcu zadnje vlade Nikole Pašića leta 1926
No full textBetween both World Wars, the Slovenian People\u27s Party retained its distinctive political position in the Yugoslav political reality, also (and especially) by establishing political links with the largest Serbian party – the National Radical Party. In the 1920s the peak of their political cooperation was reached with the signature of the Bled Agreement of 1927, which enabled Anton Korošec, the leader of the Slovenian People\u27s Party, to take over the Ministry of the Interior and the post of the President of the Government in 1928. However, the relations between the National Radical Party and Slovenian People\u27s Party acquired a new dynamics already after the descent from power and then death of the head of the radicals Nikola Pašić in 1926. In the following discussion the author will focus mostly on the latter period and on certain aspects of the complicated political relations between Nikola Pašić and Anton Korošec.Slovenska ljudska stranka je med obema svetovnima vojnama ohranjala svoj prepoznaven politični položaj v jugoslovanski politični stvarnosti tudi (in zlasti) s političnim povezovanjem z največjo srbsko stranko − Narodno radikalno stranko. V dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja je bil vrhunec njunega političnega sodelovanja dosežen s podpisom Blejskega sporazuma leta 1927, ki je vodji Slovenske ljudske stranke Antonu Korošcu omogočil prevzem ministrstva za notranje zadeve in mesta predsednika vlade leta 1928. Vendar so odnosi med Narodno radikalno stranko in Slovensko ljudsko stranko dobili novo dinamiko že po sestopu z oblasti in nato smrti radikalskega staroste Nikole Pašića leta 1926. Avtorica se bo v razpravi ukvarjala predvsem s tem slednjim obdobjem in z nekaterimi niansami težavnega političnega odnosa med Nikolo Pašićem in Antonom Korošcem
Slovenske hišne pomočnice v Beogradu pod okriljem Katoliške cerkve in (razpuščene) Slovenske ljudske stranke v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja
Full text linkIn the contribution, the author discusses the activities of the Association of Maids/Slomšek Family in Belgrade in the 1930s. In the first part, the political image of Kingdom of Yugoslavia is presented upon the establishment of King’s dictatorship in 1929 along with the role of the biggest Slovene political party (Slovene People’s Party, i.e. SPP) which in the sphere of politics represented the interest of the Catholic Church. In the early 1930s, Catholic-oriented domestic servants deepened, strengthened and widened the activities of their organization, which during the dictatorship, in the period of dissolution of political parties and along with Korošec’s contacts with the organization, points to the impact of the (dissolved) SPP in terms of finances and personnel. In the late 1930s, this powerful rank organization fit into the idea of rank parliamentarism. Anton Korošec, an advocate of the idea, expressed his public support for the activity of the organization Slomšek’s Family, which is discussed in the second part of the contribution.Avtorica se v prispevku ukvarja z delovanjem Zveze služkinj/Slomškove družine v Beogradu v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja. V prvem delu članka prikaže politično podobo Kraljevine Jugoslavije ob nastopu kraljeve diktature leta 1929 in vlogo največje slovenske politične stranke (SLS), ki je v polju političnega predstavljala interese Katoliške cerkve. V začetku tridesetih let 20. stoletja so katoliško usmerjene hišne pomočnice poglobile, utrdile in razširile delovanje svoje organizacije, kar v pogojih diktature, ko so bile politične stranke razpuščene, in ob Koroščevih stikih z organizacijo nakazuje na finančni in/ali kadrovski vpliv (razpuščene) SLS. V drugi polovici tridesetih let se je močna stanovska organizacija služkinj prilegala ideji o stanovskem parlamentarizmu. Zagovornik ideje Anton Korošec je delovanje Slomškove družine v javnosti podpiral, o čemer je govora v drugem delu članka
Odtenki politizacije Rimskokatoliške in Srbske pravoslavne cerkve pri Slovenski ljudski in Narodni radikalni stranki med svetovnima vojnama
No full textThe author of the contribution sheds light on various aspects of politicisation of the Roman Catholic and Otrhodox Church, used in their political practice by the Slovenian People\u27s Party and the National Radical Party. She discovers that the Churches in the Yugoslav State between both World Wars entered conflicting relations regardless of the relations between the biggest Serbian and the Slovenian political parties, which were otherwise effective in drawing from the mobilisation potential of both Churches; however, they subordinated the inclination towards the Church interests to the interests of their own parties. That was especially obvious in the time of the so-called Concordat Crisis (1935-1937), when, among other things, it became apparent that the political antagonism between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches in the context of the Yugoslav political space translated into antagonism between the Croatian and Serbian parts of the state.Avtorica v prispevku osvetljuje različne načine politizacije Rimskokatoliške in Pravoslavne cerkve, ki sta jih v svoji politični praksi uporabljali SLS in NRS. Ugotavlja, da sta Cerkvi v jugoslovanski državi med svetovnima vojnama vstopali v konfliktne odnose neodvisno od razmerij med največjo srbsko in največjo slovensko politično stranko, ki sta sicer učinkovito črpali mobilizacijski potencial obeh Cerkva, vendar sta naklonjenost cerkvenim interesom podrejali lastnim strankarskim interesom. To je bilo zlasti vidno v času t. i. konkordatske krize (1935-1937), ko se je med drugim izkristaliziralo, da gre v političnem antagonizmu med Katoliško in Pravoslavno cerkvijo v okviru jugoslovanskega političnega prostora za antagonizem med hrvaškimi in srbskimi deli države
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