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Constitutional Landlord Party in Carniola
Avtor v svoji disertaciji obravnava politični Klub ustavovernih veleposestnikov na Kranjskem.
V 19. stoletju se je na Kranjskem razplamtel t. i. nacionalni boj, boj med Slovenci in Nemci. Avtor dokazuje, da ne na eni in ne na drugi strani nacionalno niso bili homogeni. Čeprav so ustavoverni veleposestniki bili označeni kot nemška stranka, avtor dokazuje, da so med njimi bili ljudje, ki so bili po narodnosti Slovenci.
Ustavovernim veleposestnikom so pogosto očitali pomanjkanje domoljubja in celo izdajstvo v obliki prusofilstva. Avtor ravno nasprotno dokazuje, da ustavoverni veleposestniki niso nikoli poveličevali Prusije in Bismarcka, ampak močno Avstrijo. Zagovarjali so zavezništvo z Nemčijo, ker so bili mnenja, da bi to Avstriji koristilo.
Ustavovernim veleposestnikom so pripisali tudi nasprotovanje slovenskemu šolstvu, zaviranje le-tega in poskus uničenja oz. izrinjanja. Avtor dokazuje, da ustavoverni veleposestniki niso nasprotovali slovenskemu šolstvu. Zagovarjali so ohranitev učenja nemščine. Njihovi argumenti so bili zelo praktične narave. Najbolj pogosto so navajali, da je nemščina omogočala nadaljnje šolanje in bila vsesplošno potrebna v državi.
Politični zaton ustavovernih veleposestnikov se je pričel z nastopom Taaffejeve vlade in Andreja Winklerja na Kranjskem. Avtor dokazuje, da je slednji zelo hitro in učinkovito obračunal z ustavovernimi veleposestniki. Uničil je njihov časnik Laibacher Tagblatt in jim tako odvzel glasilo, s katerim so dosegali širše množice. Še največji udarec je za ustavoverne veleposestnike predstavljalo umiranje njihovih dolgoletnih glavnih članov zaradi starosti. Tako je v osemdesetih letih 19. stoletja umrlo precej vidnih članov, recimo Karel Deschmann.
V novo epoho so ustavoverni veleposestniki stopili šele z Josephom Schweglom. Schwegel, po rodu Slovenec, je bil dolga leta v službi zunanjega ministrstva kot diplomat. Schwegel je postal eden izmed najbolj vplivnih ustavovernih veleposestnikov ne le na Kranjskem, temveč tudi v Avstriji. Razkol in razcepitev Narodnega kluba na Slovensko ljudsko stranko in Narodno napredno stranko je izkoristil ter se povezal s slednjim. Tako mu je uspelo ponovno oživiti klub na Kranjskem in ga politično reaktivirati. Tega ni izkoristil za sejanje nemira, ampak za konstruktivno sodelovanje. Ivan Hribar je ta uspeh Schwegla v svojih spominih najbolj slikovito opisal: ustavoverni veleposestniki so postali »jeziček na tehtnici« pri glasovanjih.In his dissertation, the author addresses the political club Constitutional Landlord Party in the Cronland Carniola.
In the 19th century a national fight erupted in the Carniola between the Slovenies and the Germans. The author proves that neither side was nationally homogeneous. Although the Constitutional Landlord Party was marked as a German party, the author proves that there were also people of Slovenian nationality among them.
The Constitutional Landlord Party was often accused of lacking patriotism and even treason in a form of prussophilism. The author proves the oppositethe Constitutional Landlord Party glorified Austria and never Prussia and Otto Bismarck. They defended the alliance with Germany, because they believed Austria would benefit from it.
The Constitutional Landlord Party supposedly opposed and suppressed Slovenien education, and they had also attempted to destroy it. The author proves that Constitutional Landlord Party did not in fact oppose to the Slovenian education. They defended the preservation of learning the German language. Their arguments were very practical. Frequently they mentioned that the German language enabled further education and was overall used in the country.
The political decline of Constitutional Landlord Party started with the onset of Eduard Taaffe central Government and Andrej Winkler in Carniola. The author proves that Andrej Winkler settled a score very quickly and efficiently with the Constitutional Landlord Party. He destroyed their newspaper Laibacher Tagblatt and took away their newsletter, with which they reached wider audiences. The biggest blow for the Constitutional Landlord Party represented the dying of their long-time key members because of old age. Quite a number members died in the 80s of the 19th century, for example Karel Deschmann.
The Constitutional Landlord Party stepped in a new epoch with Joseph Schwegel. Joseph Schwegel was a Slovenian by birth and was for many years in the service of the foreign ministry as a diplomat. Joseph Schwegel became one of the most influential members of the Constitutional Landlord Party not only in the Carniola but also in the Monarchy. He took advantage of the division and the split of the national club to the Catholic National party and the National Liberal club and connected with the latter. Thus, he could reinvigorate the club in Carniola and politically reactivate it. He did not take an advantage of this to make disorder, but to achieve constructive cooperation. In his memoirs Ivan Hribar described the success of Joseph Schwegel very picturesquely: The Constitutional Landlord Party “tipped the scales” in the ballots
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF REGIONAL CONNECTIONS CONCEPTS 1919-1945
Diplomsko delo z naslovom Primerjalna analiza konceptov regionalnih povezav predstavlja analizo regionalnih povezav v treh regijah, in sicer ameriški, vzhodnoazijski in evropski. Glavni poudarek je na času po prvi svetovni vojni, ker pa ima vsaka stvar svoj začetek, je analiziran tudi čas pred prvo svetovno vojno. Avtor je ugotovil, da je do sodelovanja ali povezovanja prišlo na pobudnico najmočnejših sil v posameznih regijah in da sta bila glavna koncepta povezovanja ekonomski in varnostni namen. V Ameriki so se želele Združene države ekonomsko razširiti v regijo. Pri tem so rabile stabilno regijo. Zato so si prizadevale za miroljubno reševanje konfliktov med državami v regiji. V Vzhodni Aziji je želela Japonska vzpostaviti regijo pod njenim vodstvom, ker je verjela, da se bo svet razdelil na približno štiri regije. V Evropi do regionalnih povezav na evropski ravni sicer ni prišlo, vendar so ideje in dejanski poizkusi v tej smeri obstajali.The thesis entitled »A Comparative Analysis of Regional Connections Concepts 1919-1945« presents an analysis of regional integration in three regions, namely American, East Asian and European. The main focus is the period after First World War, but since everything has its beginning the period before First World War has also been analyzed. The author has noted that the cooperation or association were on the initiative of most powerful forces in regions and that the main concepts of integration were of economic and security purposes. In Americas the United States wanted to expand economically in the region. For this they needed a stable region. Therefore, their aim was peaceful resolution of the conflicts between the countries in the region. In East Asia Japan wanted to establish a region under its authority because it was believed that the world will be divided into roughly four regions. In Europe the regional connections on this level were not established, but the ideas and actual attempts in this direction were present
Parlamentarni boj poslancev Slovenskega kluba proti Bienerthovi vladi leta 1909
In an oppositional struggle against the Bienerth government the few Slovene catholic parliament members managed to become one of the most decisive political factors in the Austrian parliament. The article deals with the most important parliamentary appearances of Dr. Ivan Šušteršič and Dr. Janez E. Krek, especially those concerning the then actual problems of the Bosnian agrarian bank. The author also sheds some light upon the alignment of the Slovene Club parliamentary members with other parliamentary groups, and especially their activities within the Slovene Unit in which the Slavonic Club parliamentary members had a predominant influence which has even overshadowed their Czech colleagues for a short time.V opozicionalnem boju proti Bienerthovi vladi leta 1909 je slovenskim katoliškim poslancem pod spretnim vodstvom dr. Ivana Šušteršiča uspelo, da so kljub svoji maloštevilnosri postali eden izmed najodločnješih političnih faktorjev v avstrijskem državnem zboru. V prispevku so predstavljeni najpomembnejši parlamentarni nastopi Šušteršiča in dr. Janeza E. Kreka, predvsem v zvezi s takrat aktualnim vprašanjem bosanske agrarne banke. Osvetljeno je tudi povezovanje poslancev Slovenskega kluba z drugimi parlamentarnimi skupinami, v prvi vrsti njihovo delovanje v okviru Slovanske enote, v kateri so imeli ravno poslanci Slovenskega kluba prevladujoč vpliv in so za kratek čas zasenčili tudi češke kolege
Trialistične zamisli slovenskih in hrvaških politikov v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno
The paper presents the Slovene and Croat concept of triadism in the years preceding the First World War. The author answers the question as to how a demanded third - Southern Slavic - state unit would look according to the Slovene and Croat politicians of the time, in the event of the Habsburg Empire being reconstructed in a triadist sense. He concludes that the idea of a Greater Croatian state unit had the widest support among the triadist plans. Such a state unit would be strongly Catholic in character and integrated on the principle of \u27centralized federalism\u27 as applied in the Greater Austria.V članku so predstavljeni slovenski in hrvaški trialistični koncepti v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno. Avtor odgovarja na vprašanje, kako naj bi v skladu s takratnimi predstavami slovenskih in hrvaških politikov konkretno izgledala zahtevana tretja - južnoslovanska - državnopravna enota, če bi prišlo do rekonstrukcije habsburške monarhije v trialističnem smislu. Pri tem ugotavlja, da je bila med trialističnimi načrti najbolj razširjena predstava o velikohrvaški državni enoti, ki bi imela močan katoliški pečat in bi bila sestavni del po načelu "centraliziranega federalizma" urejene Velike Avstrije
LATIN AMERICA IN THE 1930S: HEADLINES IN SLOVENIAN NEWSPAPERS
Latinska Amerika se je v 30. letih soočala s številnimi težavamiprizadela jo je svetovna gospodarska kriza, gospodarstvo je bilo odvisno od tujega kapitala, nemiri v državah so naraščali, oblasti so se menjavale in številne druge. 30. leta so potekala v znamenju množičnih državnih udarov in uporov, ki so jih posamezniki izkoristili za pridobitev diktatorske oblasti. Pogosto so v ozadju uporov in vojn (npr. vojna za Gran Chaco) stali inozemske naftne korporacije in različna inozemska podjetja. Ozemlje Latinske Amerike je bilo namreč bogato z nahajališči nafte in rudami, njihovo izkoriščanje pa je bilo v lasti tujega, predvsem ameriškega in britanskega kapitala. V tem obdobju se je pojavila težnja po nacionalizaciji teh surovin in inozemskih podjetij. Eden izmed primerov je bila nacionalizacija naftnih vrtin, ki jo je izvedel mehiški predsednik Cárdenas l. 1938.
Za Latinsko Ameriko v tem času je bilo značilno tudi širjenje komunističnega in nacistično-fašističnega vpliva iz Evrope, ki je sprožilo številna trenja v političnih krogih. Poleg tega so imele ZDA velik vpliv na politično življenje v Latinski Ameriki. Roosevelt je začel s t.i. politiko "dobrih sosedskih odnosov". V okviru te politike so se države sestajale na vseameriških konferencah, na katerih so razpravljale o skupnih zadevah. Zaradi grozeče vojne nevarnosti v Evropi je bila še posebej aktualna tema o ohranitvi miru. Vse države Latinske Amerike so se na vseameriški konferenci v Panami l. 1939 izrekle za nevtralnost v 2. svetovni vojniLatin America faced numerous difficulties and economy problems in 1930sit was stroked by upcoming world crisis called “The Great Depression”. Its economy was under great dependence of foreign investments. Political instabilities in the countries of Latin America were growing, and the governments changed frequently. The 1930s in Latin America were in the light of frequent government intrusions and resistances, which acted in favour of individuals to form dictatorship as “an autocratic form of government”. Often reasons for rebellions and conflicts in Latin America, e.g. the Gran Chaco war, have their origins in foreign oil corporations and other foreign investors. Latin America is specially rich in oil and mining mineralsunfortunately, at that time their exploitation was in hands of the United States and United Kingdom capital. However, during this period there was a great tendency of nationalization of the natural resources together with companies who owned them. One of these examples was the nationalization of the oil resources by Mexican president Cárdenas in 1938.
One of the characteristics of Latin America at this time was also dissemination of communist and the nazi-fascism ideas coming from Europe. Those ideas initiated disagreements in current leading
parties in the region. On the other hand, the influence of the United States on the political situation in Latin America was very strong. Roosevelt initiated so called “the good neighbour policy”. In light of this policy the countries gathered at congresses to debate both interests. Because of the imminent danger of war coming from Europe, there was a particular political issue of how to maintain peace in this region. All countries of Latin America declared neutrality in the World War II at the Panama congress in 1939
Dr. Bogumil Vošnjak - politician and diplomat
Pričujoče delo prikazuje v pomembnih obrisih življenje in delo politika in diplomata dr. Bogumila Vošnjaka. Že njegov oče Mihael in stric Josip Vošnjak sta bistveno doprinesla k zgodovini slovenskega naroda, tako politično kakor tudi gospodarsko. Sad njune vzgoje in vzorov je bil Bogumil Vošnjak, ki ga je predvsem prva svetovna vojna zavihtela v svet političnih in diplomatskih dogajanj. Za slovensko zgodovinopisje je pomemben zaradi več dejavnikov v času burnih dogodkov doma in po svetu v začetku prejšnjega stoletja. Izpostavljena je predvsem njegova vidna vloga v Jugoslovanskem odboru, kjer je kot njegov aktivni član opozarjal svet na Slovence in ostale južne Slovane, ki naj bi se čim prej osvobodili habsburškega jarma ter se združili pod enotno in tuje nadoblasti osvobojeno državo. Kot edini Slovenec je lahko takšno združitev kronal s podpisom Krfske deklaracije, ki je kasneje bila podlaga za ustanovitev Kraljevine Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev. Njegova vztrajnost in bogate izkušnje med vojno so bile poplačane z mestom generalnega sekretarja jugoslovanske delegacije na mirovni konferenci v Parizu. Z imenovanjem za izrednega poslanika in pooblaščenega ministra na poslaništvu v Pragi se mu je uresničil veliki sen, čeprav le kratkotrajno. Zatem je njegova diplomatska zvezda zamrla, a s političnega prizorišča tako želene Jugoslavije ni poniknil, temveč se je v raznih funkcijah pojavljal v družbenem in političnem življenju skupne države. Svojemu idealu unitaristične jugoslovanske države je sledil skozi vse življenje, med drugo svetovno vojno kot pripadnik Mihailovićevih četnikov in kot emigrant v ZDA po drugi svetovni vojni.This dissertation gives an insight into life and work of a politician and diplomat Bogumil Vošnjak. His father Mihael Vošnjak and uncle Josip Vošnjak had already made a significant contribution to the history of Slovenian people both politically and economically. Their way of raising and their ideals reflected in work of Bogumil Vošnjak. It was mainly the First World War that encouraged Bogumil Vošnjak to participate in the political and economic sphere. Vošnjak is important in the Slovenian historiography for playing an active role during turbulent times at home and around the world at the beginning of the 20th century. His most significant influence was seen in the Yugoslav Committee. As an active member, he represented Slovenes and other south Slavs to the world who aimed at freeing themselves from the rule of the Habsburg Monarchy and unifying in an independent country. Vošnjak was the only Slovene among the signers of the Corfu Declaration which made the unification possible and it was the first step to creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Diligence he had showed and rich experiences he had gained during the war paved him the way to the position of General Secretary of the Yugoslav delegation at the Paris Peace Conference. His dream came true, as he was appointed an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Yugoslav Embassy in Praguehowever, enthusiasm did not last long. Soon, his diplomatic career faced the end, but he still remained part of the Yugoslav political scene. Vošnjak continued to appear in public and political life on various positions. He followed his ideal of an unitary Yugoslav state through his whole life – as a member of the Chetnik movement led by General Draža Mihailović during the Second World War and as an emigrant to the US after the war
THE VIEWS OF SLOVENE AND CROATIAN COMMUNISTS ON THE NATIONAL QUESTION DURING THE BOTH WORLD WARS
Slovenski in hrvaški komunisti so v obdobju med vojnama na področju narodnostne problematike zagovarjali celoten diapazon različnih stališč in usmeritev. Na eni strani so te vključevale podporo \u27državnemu\u27 unitarizmu in centralizmu, na drugi pa je bila v obdobju revolucionarne vneme v ospredju težnja po dezintegraciji jugoslovanske države na samostojne republike. Kot pravi koncept se je naposled izkazala federalizirana Jugoslavija, ki so jo komunisti zagovarjali od srede 30-ih let 20. stoletja, realizirali po drugi svetovni vojni. Čeprav so slovenski komunisti in njihovi hrvaški sodrugi delovali v okviru enotne Komunistične partije Jugoslavije (KPJ), na političnem področju, vsaj v začetku, niso imeli glavne besede. Oboji so namreč prehodili dolgo pot od perifernih, a inovativnih akterjev reševanja narodnostne problematike, do ideološko-politično enakopravnih subjektov znotraj strankarske matice ter končno prevzeli vlogo kreatorjev in realizatorjev lastnih narodnostnih rešitev. Na takšen razvoj so vplivali trije dejavniki: notranjepolitični razvoj v prvi jugoslovanski državi, v kateri je narodnostni gordijski vozel, poleg socialnih preturbacij, predstavljal osrednje politično vozlišče in glavni destabilizacijski element. Na zunanjepolitičnem odru je s svojimi direktivami, ki so se prilagajale interesom celotnega komunističnega gibanja, osrednjo vlogo igrala Kominterna. Vse pomembnejše notranjepolitične prekretnice in globalni politični zasuki so vplivali tudi na odnose znotraj KPJ. To so skozi celotno medvojno obdobje pretresali frakcijski boji. Preplet naštetega je pripomogel k temu, da so se slovenski in hrvaški komunisti, kljub primarnemu interesu – revoluciji, priključili narodnoafirmacijskemu toku in na določeni točki razvoja postali državotvorni element z zaslugami pri dozorevanju Slovencev in Hrvatov v moderna naroda.The Slovene and Croatian communists spoke in favour of a whole array of different standpoints regarding issues of nationality in the period between both world wars. On the one hand, these included support of ‘state’ unitarism and centralism but on the other hand, the period of revolutionary fervour gave rise to an aspiration for disintegration of the Yugoslavian country into independent republics. Alas, the right concept turned out to be a federalised Yugoslavia the communists had been favouring since the middle of the 1930sit was realised after World War II. Although Slovene communists and their Croatian comrades operated inside a unified Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), they were not in charge, at least not from the beginning. This is because both had walked a long way, starting as peripheral but innovative agents of solving the issues of nationality and later becoming the ideologically – politically equal subjects inside the main party and in the end assuming the role of creators and realisers of their own national solutions. This development was influenced by three factors: the development of internal politics inside the country of Yugoslavia where the national Gordian knot along with social perturbations represented the main political hub and the main destabilisation element. The Comintern played the main role on the stage of foreign policy with its directives which were continuously tailored to the interests of the communist movement as a whole. All important internal changes and changes of global policy also influenced the relations inside the KPJ. It was continually shaken by fractional struggles during the period between both wars. The synergy of all these factors led to the outcome where Slovenian and Croatian communists joined the national-affirmation flow despite their primary interest – revolutionat a certain point they became a state-formative element with credits in the ripening of Slovenes and Croatians into modern nations
THE SLOVENIAN CATHOLIC MOVEMENT IN THE LIGHT OF THE MEMORIES OF JANEZ KALAN
Začetek slovenskega katoliškega gibanja je bil konec 19. stoletja. Najprej je bila leta 1892 v Ljubljani ustanovljena Katoliška narodna stranka, ki se je leta 1905 preimenovala v Slovensko ljudsko stranko. Velik pečat sta v stranki pustila Ivan Šusteršič in Janez Evangelist Krek. Stranka se je v začetku 20. stoletja preusmerila iz krščansko konservativne v krščansko socialno stranko.
Strankin program je temeljil na načelih pomoči preprostim ljudem, predvsem kmetom in delavcem. V tej vlogi se je znašel tudi duhovnik Janez Kalan, ki je imel velik socialni čut za preprostega človeka. S svojimi idejami in nasveti je skušal pomagati vsem, ki so bili potrebni socialne ali duhovne pomoči.
V letu 1909 so se katoliške organizacije iz takratnih slovenskih pokrajin pridružile krajnski SLS. Stranka se je preimenovala v Vseslovensko ljudsko stranko in tako postala najmočnejša slovenska politična stranka.
Stranka je delovala tudi med prvo svetovno vojno. Nekaj časa je bil na čelu stranke tudi Anton Korošec. Ves čas političnega delovanja je sledila katoliškim načelom in spodbujala katoliško miselnost, nasprotovala pa je političnim načelom liberalizma in socializma. Po uvedbi diktature kralja Aleksandra leta 1929 je bilo delovanje stranke prepovedano.The beginnings of the first Slovenian Catholic movement date back to the 19th century. First, the Catholic People\u27s Party was established in 1892 in Ljubljana, and it was later renamed to the Slovenian People\u27s Party in 1905. Ivan Šušteršič and Janez Evangelist Krek were significant personalities who had a grat impact on the Party. In the early 20th century the party transformed from Christian conservatives into the Christian Social Party.
The party\u27s program was based on simple principles like to help people, especially farmers and workers. In this role was also Janez Kalan, a priest, who had a great social sense for a simple man. With his ideas and advice he tried to help all those who needed social and spiritual support.
In 1909 the Catholic organizations from the then Slovenian regions joined Krajnska SLS. The party also changed its name to Pan-Slovenian People\u27s Party and became the strongest Slovenian political party.
The party was also active during the World War I. For some time Anton Korošec was the leader of the party. All the time the party followed the Catholic principles and promoted Catholic mindset, however, it objected to the political principles of liberalism and socialism. It ceased to operate during the dictatorship of King Alexander in 1929
THE PERCEPTION OF INDIA IN THE SLOVENIAN PRESS BETWEEN THE YEARS 1918 AND 1945
Po poročanju katoliškega narodnega Slovenca in liberalnega Slovenskega naroda je bilo dogajanje v Indiji, v obdobju med letoma 1918 in 1945, zaznamovano z mnogimi tako političnimi kot družbenimi prelomnicami, kar dokazuje tudi proučena in uporabljena literatura. Najpomembnejša osebnost, ki je zaznamovala indijsko zgodovino in si prizadevala za osvoboditev Indije izpod Britanskega imperija, je bil Mahatma Gandhi. S svojo teorijo nenasilja in pasivnega odpora je presenetil Veliko Britanijo in ves svet. Njegove metode so temeljile na samožrtvovanju samih Indijcev, katere je učil, da proti sovražniku ne smejo nastopati z orožjem, ampak se lahko uprejo na nenasilne načine. Ideje nacionalističnega gibanja, ki ga je vodil, so uresničevali preko Indijskega narodnega kongresa.
Indijo so v tem obdobju pretresali tudi nenehni spori med pripadniki hindujske in muslimanske vere. Razprtije so se pojavljale še znotraj družbe med Indijci samimi, saj je kastni sistem prepovedoval stike med njimi. Poseben vpliv na tamkaj živeče prebivalstvo so imeli evropski misijonarji, ki so dosegali velike uspehe pri spreobračanju ljudi v katoliško vero.
Gospodarsko je bila Indija bogata s številnimi rudami. Njena pestrost se je kazala tudi v številnih običajih ljudi, ki so izvirali iz daljne preteklosti. Nekatere navade so na družbo vplivale tudi v negativnem smislu, saj je čas narekoval prilagajanje novemu načinu življenja in dela, kar je bilo med Indijci velikokrat prezrto.
Med časnikoma v poročanju o novicah ni bilo velikih razlik, le, da je Slovenec poročal še o misijonarstvu, ki se je v 20. stoletju v Indiji vse bolj širilo.According to the reports in the chatolic Slovenec and the liberal Slovenski narod newspapers the events in India in the period between the years 1918 and 1945 were marked by many, as well political as social turning points, a fact that is proven also with the literature referred to in the thesis. In the mentioned newspapers there were no major differences in reporting about the news, except that Slovenec was reporting additionally also about missionary work, that was spreading more and more in India in the 20th Century. The most important personality marking indian history and the person who was trying to free India from under the rule of the British Empire was Mahatma Gandhi. With his theory of non-violence and passive resistance he astonished Great Britain and the whole world. His methods were based on self-sacrifice of Indian people themselves, who he taught to stand against the enemy with non-violent ways of resistance instead of using weapons. The ideas of the nationalist movement he was leading were realised through the Indian National Congress.
In that period India was also shaken by constant fights between followers of the Hindu and Muslim religions. Quarrels were also present in the Indian society among the Indian people themselves, because the caste system was forbidding them to have contact and that was causing various kinds of tension inside the nation. European missionaries had a special influence on the people, because they had great success in turning people over into the chatolic religion.
In economic terms India was very rich with many ores, the variety of the country was shown also in many folk customs of the people, deriving from the distant past. Some habits were affecting the society also in a negative sense because time was dictating adaptation to a new way of living and working, which was often overlooked among Indian people
League of Nations in the 1930\u27s in the sight of the Slovenian press
Diplomsko delo prikazuje Društvo narodov v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja skozi poročanja slovenskih časnikov Jutro, Slovenski narod in Slovenec. Društvo narodov je bilo prva mednarodna organizacija z univerzalnimi cilji. Oče ideje o nastanku mednarodne ustanove, ki bi zagotavljala mednarodno varnost in mir, je bil ameriški predsednik Thomas Woodrow Wilson, ki je 8. januarja 1918 ameriškemu kongresu predstavil povojno ureditev v 14. točkah. Zadnja točka je predvidevala ustanovitev združenja narodov, ki bi skrbelo za svetovni mir, politično neodvinost in celovitost malih in velikih držav, predvsem pa skrbelo, da se nikoli več ne bi ponovila morija 1. svetovne vojne. Društvo narodov je temeljilo na mirovnih pogodbah, ki so jih podpisale države poraženke 1. svetovne vojne, in na ustanovnem Paktu Društva narodov, ki je s 26. členi urejal odnose med državami članicami, med državami članicami in nečlanicami, narekoval načine reševanja sporov.
Kljub temu da je bila uresničitev kolektivne varnosti v univerzalnem okviru ena od poglavitnih nalog Društva narodov, te prakse niso potrdili. Skozi sama zasedanja in načine reševanja spornih vprašanj so se pokazale slabosti in napake Društva, ki je bilo organizacijsko in strukturno dobro zastavljeno. Veliko uspešneje je Društvo narodov reševalo nepolitična vprašanja. Vzrok počasnemu razkrajanju Društva narodov je bila prevelika želja posameznih velesil po prevladi v Evropi in svetu, tudi na račun drugih sil, kljub temu da so se ob ustanovitvi Društva narodov obvezale, da bodo spoštovale ustanovni Pakt Društva narodov, stremele k sistemu kolektivne varnosti in se zavzele za ohranjanje svetovne varnosti in miru.
Slovensko časopisje je v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja zelo dobro ponazarjalo dogajanje doma in po svetu. Dogajanje so opisovali objektivno in podrobno. Časniki se med seboj niso izključevali, saj so v večini vsi poročali na podlagi tujih medijev.The paper focuses on the League of Nations in the 1930s through reporting of the following Slovenian newspapers: Jutro, Slovenski narod and Slovenec. The League of Nations was the first international organization with universal goals. The father of idea about the international institution which would ensure safety and peace was the U.S. president Thomas Woodrow Wilson. On the 8th of January, 1918 he introduced the American Congress with a post-war regulation in 14 points. The last point envisaged founding of association of nations which would provide for world peace, political independence and integrity of both, small and large countries, and above all prevent the horrors of the 1st World War. The League of Nations was based upon peace treaties signed by defeated countries in the 1st World War and on founding pact of the League of Nations. 26 articles of the pact managed relationships between members and non-members of the League of Nations and dictated the ways of settling disputes among them.
Although realization of collective safety in universal frame was one of the major duties of the League of Nations, it was not practiced to great extent. The League of Nations was organizationally and structurally well designed but there were also weaknesses and failures, which came to surface during their sessions and in the ways of resolving moot questions. The organization was a lot more successful at resolving non-political issues. The great desire of some major countries to overrule in Europe and in the World, disregarding other countries, was the main reason for slow disintegration of the League of Nations. Although members were obliged to respect the founding pact of the League of Nations, to ensure the system of collective safety and to preserve world\u27s safety and peace, their appetite for power was stronger.
Slovenian newspapers very well illustrated state at home and around the world. Their descriptions were objective and detailed. Newspapers did not exclude each other since they were mostly reporting on the basis of foreign media
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