754 research outputs found
Constitutional Landlord Party in Carniola
No full textAvtor v svoji disertaciji obravnava politični Klub ustavovernih veleposestnikov na Kranjskem.
V 19. stoletju se je na Kranjskem razplamtel t. i. nacionalni boj, boj med Slovenci in Nemci. Avtor dokazuje, da ne na eni in ne na drugi strani nacionalno niso bili homogeni. Čeprav so ustavoverni veleposestniki bili označeni kot nemška stranka, avtor dokazuje, da so med njimi bili ljudje, ki so bili po narodnosti Slovenci.
Ustavovernim veleposestnikom so pogosto očitali pomanjkanje domoljubja in celo izdajstvo v obliki prusofilstva. Avtor ravno nasprotno dokazuje, da ustavoverni veleposestniki niso nikoli poveličevali Prusije in Bismarcka, ampak močno Avstrijo. Zagovarjali so zavezništvo z Nemčijo, ker so bili mnenja, da bi to Avstriji koristilo.
Ustavovernim veleposestnikom so pripisali tudi nasprotovanje slovenskemu šolstvu, zaviranje le-tega in poskus uničenja oz. izrinjanja. Avtor dokazuje, da ustavoverni veleposestniki niso nasprotovali slovenskemu šolstvu. Zagovarjali so ohranitev učenja nemščine. Njihovi argumenti so bili zelo praktične narave. Najbolj pogosto so navajali, da je nemščina omogočala nadaljnje šolanje in bila vsesplošno potrebna v državi.
Politični zaton ustavovernih veleposestnikov se je pričel z nastopom Taaffejeve vlade in Andreja Winklerja na Kranjskem. Avtor dokazuje, da je slednji zelo hitro in učinkovito obračunal z ustavovernimi veleposestniki. Uničil je njihov časnik Laibacher Tagblatt in jim tako odvzel glasilo, s katerim so dosegali širše množice. Še največji udarec je za ustavoverne veleposestnike predstavljalo umiranje njihovih dolgoletnih glavnih članov zaradi starosti. Tako je v osemdesetih letih 19. stoletja umrlo precej vidnih članov, recimo Karel Deschmann.
V novo epoho so ustavoverni veleposestniki stopili šele z Josephom Schweglom. Schwegel, po rodu Slovenec, je bil dolga leta v službi zunanjega ministrstva kot diplomat. Schwegel je postal eden izmed najbolj vplivnih ustavovernih veleposestnikov ne le na Kranjskem, temveč tudi v Avstriji. Razkol in razcepitev Narodnega kluba na Slovensko ljudsko stranko in Narodno napredno stranko je izkoristil ter se povezal s slednjim. Tako mu je uspelo ponovno oživiti klub na Kranjskem in ga politično reaktivirati. Tega ni izkoristil za sejanje nemira, ampak za konstruktivno sodelovanje. Ivan Hribar je ta uspeh Schwegla v svojih spominih najbolj slikovito opisal: ustavoverni veleposestniki so postali »jeziček na tehtnici« pri glasovanjih.In his dissertation, the author addresses the political club Constitutional Landlord Party in the Cronland Carniola.
In the 19th century a national fight erupted in the Carniola between the Slovenies and the Germans. The author proves that neither side was nationally homogeneous. Although the Constitutional Landlord Party was marked as a German party, the author proves that there were also people of Slovenian nationality among them.
The Constitutional Landlord Party was often accused of lacking patriotism and even treason in a form of prussophilism. The author proves the oppositethe Constitutional Landlord Party glorified Austria and never Prussia and Otto Bismarck. They defended the alliance with Germany, because they believed Austria would benefit from it.
The Constitutional Landlord Party supposedly opposed and suppressed Slovenien education, and they had also attempted to destroy it. The author proves that Constitutional Landlord Party did not in fact oppose to the Slovenian education. They defended the preservation of learning the German language. Their arguments were very practical. Frequently they mentioned that the German language enabled further education and was overall used in the country.
The political decline of Constitutional Landlord Party started with the onset of Eduard Taaffe central Government and Andrej Winkler in Carniola. The author proves that Andrej Winkler settled a score very quickly and efficiently with the Constitutional Landlord Party. He destroyed their newspaper Laibacher Tagblatt and took away their newsletter, with which they reached wider audiences. The biggest blow for the Constitutional Landlord Party represented the dying of their long-time key members because of old age. Quite a number members died in the 80s of the 19th century, for example Karel Deschmann.
The Constitutional Landlord Party stepped in a new epoch with Joseph Schwegel. Joseph Schwegel was a Slovenian by birth and was for many years in the service of the foreign ministry as a diplomat. Joseph Schwegel became one of the most influential members of the Constitutional Landlord Party not only in the Carniola but also in the Monarchy. He took advantage of the division and the split of the national club to the Catholic National party and the National Liberal club and connected with the latter. Thus, he could reinvigorate the club in Carniola and politically reactivate it. He did not take an advantage of this to make disorder, but to achieve constructive cooperation. In his memoirs Ivan Hribar described the success of Joseph Schwegel very picturesquely: The Constitutional Landlord Party “tipped the scales” in the ballots
Žibertova teorija zarote
No full textOn the anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination (28 June 1914), the booklet of Dr. Ivan Avguštin Žibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege, provides a good motivation for reflection on the causes of this fateful event. Appearing as a facsimile is its third edition, which was self-published in 1919. Although comprising not more than forty-seven pages, it touches on many events and personages connected to the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand. In the introduction to the facsimile of Žibert’s booklet, Prof. Andrej Rahten, PhD, wrote the study “Ozadja in okoliščine nastanka Žibertove teorije zarote” [“The backgrounds and circumstances of Žibert’s conspiracy theory”], offering a clear view of the problem concerning the events that unfolded in Sarajevo. Rahten provides a detailed insight into the life of the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie von Hohenberg on the eve of the First World War.Ob obletnici sarajevskega atentata (28. junija 1914) je knjižica dr. Ivana Avguština Žiberta Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege dobra motivacija za razmišljanje o vzrokih za ta usodni dogodek. Kot faksimile je objavljena njena tretja izdaja, ki je izšla v samozaložbi leta 1919. Čeprav obsega zgolj 47 strani, se dotika številnih dogajanj in osebnosti, povezanih s prestolonaslednikom Francem Ferdinandom. Kot uvod v faksimile Žibertove knjižice je izr. prof. dr. Andrej Rahten napisal študijo Ozadja in okoliščine nastanke Žibertove teorije zarote, ki daje jesen vpogled v problematiko predsarajevskih dogajanj. Rahten podrobno prikaže življenje prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda in njegove morganatične soproge Zofije Hohenberške na predvečer prve svetovne vojne
Žibertova teorija zarote
No full textOn the anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination (28 June 1914), the booklet of Dr. Ivan Avguštin Žibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege, provides a good motivation for reflection on the causes of this fateful event. Appearing as a facsimile is its third edition, which was self-published in 1919. Although comprising not more than forty-seven pages, it touches on many events and personages connected to the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand. In the introduction to the facsimile of Žibert’s booklet, Prof. Andrej Rahten, PhD, wrote the study “Ozadja in okoliščine nastanka Žibertove teorije zarote" [“The backgrounds and circumstances of Žibert’s conspiracy theory"], offering a clear view of the problem concerning the events that unfolded in Sarajevo. Rahten provides a detailed insight into the life of the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie von Hohenberg on the eve of the First World War.Ob obletnici sarajevskega atentata (28. junija 1914) je knjižica dr. Ivana Avguština Žiberta Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege dobra motivacija za razmišljanje o vzrokih za ta usodni dogodek. Kot faksimile je objavljena njena tretja izdaja, ki je izšla v samozaložbi leta 1919. Čeprav obsega zgolj 47 strani, se dotika številnih dogajanj in osebnosti, povezanih s prestolonaslednikom Francem Ferdinandom. Kot uvod v faksimile Žibertove knjižice je izr. prof. dr. Andrej Rahten napisal študijo Ozadja in okoliščine nastanke Žibertove teorije zarote, ki daje jesen vpogled v problematiko predsarajevskih dogajanj. Rahten podrobno prikaže življenje prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda in njegove morganatične soproge Zofije Hohenberške na predvečer prve svetovne vojne
Žibertova teorija zarote
No full textOn the anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination (28 June 1914), the booklet of Dr. Ivan Avguštin Žibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege, provides a good motivation for reflection on the causes of this fateful event. Appearing as a facsimile is its third edition, which was self-published in 1919. Although comprising not more than forty-seven pages, it touches on many events and personages connected to the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand. In the introduction to the facsimile of Žibert’s booklet, Prof. Andrej Rahten, PhD, wrote the study “Ozadja in okoliščine nastanka Žibertove teorije zarote" [“The backgrounds and circumstances of Žibert’s conspiracy theory"], offering a clear view of the problem concerning the events that unfolded in Sarajevo. Rahten provides a detailed insight into the life of the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie von Hohenberg on the eve of the First World War.Ob obletnici sarajevskega atentata (28. junija 1914) je knjižica dr. Ivana Avguština Žiberta Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege dobra motivacija za razmišljanje o vzrokih za ta usodni dogodek. Kot faksimile je objavljena njena tretja izdaja, ki je izšla v samozaložbi leta 1919. Čeprav obsega zgolj 47 strani, se dotika številnih dogajanj in osebnosti, povezanih s prestolonaslednikom Francem Ferdinandom. Kot uvod v faksimile Žibertove knjižice je izr. prof. dr. Andrej Rahten napisal študijo Ozadja in okoliščine nastanke Žibertove teorije zarote, ki daje jesen vpogled v problematiko predsarajevskih dogajanj. Rahten podrobno prikaže življenje prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda in njegove morganatične soproge Zofije Hohenberške na predvečer prve svetovne vojne
Žibertova teorija zarote
No full textOn the anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination (28 June 1914), the booklet of Dr. Ivan Avguštin Žibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege, provides a good motivation for reflection on the causes of this fateful event. Appearing as a facsimile is its third edition, which was self-published in 1919. Although comprising not more than forty-seven pages, it touches on many events and personages connected to the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand. In the introduction to the facsimile of Žibert’s booklet, Prof. Andrej Rahten, PhD, wrote the study “Ozadja in okoliščine nastanka Žibertove teorije zarote" [“The backgrounds and circumstances of Žibert’s conspiracy theory"], offering a clear view of the problem concerning the events that unfolded in Sarajevo. Rahten provides a detailed insight into the life of the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie von Hohenberg on the eve of the First World War.Ob obletnici sarajevskega atentata (28. junija 1914) je knjižica dr. Ivana Avguština Žiberta Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege dobra motivacija za razmišljanje o vzrokih za ta usodni dogodek. Kot faksimile je objavljena njena tretja izdaja, ki je izšla v samozaložbi leta 1919. Čeprav obsega zgolj 47 strani, se dotika številnih dogajanj in osebnosti, povezanih s prestolonaslednikom Francem Ferdinandom. Kot uvod v faksimile Žibertove knjižice je izr. prof. dr. Andrej Rahten napisal študijo Ozadja in okoliščine nastanke Žibertove teorije zarote, ki daje jesen vpogled v problematiko predsarajevskih dogajanj. Rahten podrobno prikaže življenje prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda in njegove morganatične soproge Zofije Hohenberške na predvečer prve svetovne vojne
Andrej Rahten: Izidor Cankar. Diplomat dveh Jugoslavij / A diplomat of two Yugoslavias. Mengeš, Ljubljana, CEP, ZRC SAZU, 2009, 420 str.
No full textAndrej Rahten: Izidor Cankar. Diplomat dveh Jugoslavij / A diplomat of two Yugoslavias. Mengeš - Ljubljana, CEP - ZRC SAZU, 2009, 420 str
Politika zastupnika Slovenskog kluba u Carevinskom vijeću 1908 - 1911
No full textPrilog opisuje politiku Slovenskog kluba u Carevinkom vijeću 1908 - 191
Anton Korošec i “hrvatsko pitanje” u Jugoslaviji
No full textIn the article are presented views of Anton Korošec on the “Croatian Question” in the interwar Yugoslavia. Despite relatively tense relations with most Croatian politicians, Korošec knew that certain concessions had to be made to the Croats in terms of the state administration reform. Yet, he made his support conditional on the simultaneous fulfilment of Slovene political demands. The paper is based mostly on the analysis of the press and publications of the Slovene People’s Party.100. godišnjica postanka Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca
dobra je prilika za evaluaciju biografija njezinih utemeljitelja. Među
slovenskim političarima, nedvojbeno treba istaknuti ulogu Antona Korošca, dugogodišnjeg čelnika Slovenske pučke stranke. Posebno je zanimljivo njegovo viđenje državnopravnih pitanja u Jugoslaviji, prije svega njegov odnos prema „hrvatskom pitanju“. Prelazak Slovenaca i Hrvata iz austro-ugarskog u jugoslavenski državni okvir doveo je i do raspada većine tradicionalnih koalicija slovenskih i hrvatskih stranaka. Korošec je sudbinu Slovenske pučke stranke pragmatički vezao uz srpske stranke. Vjerojatno je zaključio da će pod srpskom dinastijom, bez obzira na sastav vlade, jedna od tih stranaka uvijek biti na vlasti. Uoči postanka jugoslavenske kraljevine, unitarističku formulu o jednom „trojednom narodu“ tako su isticali i slovenski katolički narodnjaci. Na taj način srušio se i politički koncept solidarnosti s hrvatskim pravašima i seljačkim pokretom Stjepana Radića, koji je Slovenska pučka stranka izgradila prije Prvoga svjetskog rata. A bez savezništva s Radićevom Hrvatskom republikanskom seljačkom strankom Korošec u svojoj politici doista nije mogao računati na podršku hrvatskog stanovništva. Korošec je, međutim, bio znatno uspješniji u povezivanju s Hrvatskom pučkom strankom. Na tu stranku oslonio se Korošec, nastojeći ostvariti ambicije da u novom državnom okviru svoj utjecaj proširi i izvan slovenskih granica. Hrvatska pučka stranka ostala je u Kraljevini SHS najlojalniji Koroščev saveznik u državnoj politici, osnivajući zajedno sa zastupnicima slovenske sestrinske stranke i Jugoslavenski klub u Narodnoj skupštini. Korošec nije bio isključivi krivac za zahlađenje odnosa između Slovenske pučke stranke i Radićeva pokreta. Činjenica je da je Radić svojim protuklerikalnim izjavama i pozivima na osnivanje republike i sam otežao uvjete za suradnju s Korošcem, koji je bio svećenik i monarhist. Uz to, Koroščev manevarski prostor za suradnju s Radićem bio je vrlo sužen. Naime, kao protivnik političkog katolicizma, Radić je bio i protivnik Hrvatske pučke stranke, pa je logično da se Korošec teško povezivao s njezinom neposrednom suparnicom na izborima. Mostove s najjačom hrvatskom strankom Korošec je srušio u ljeto 1928., kada je, nakon atentata na Stjepana Radića, pristao da bude predsjednik vlade. Iako je u vladu privukao i čelnika Hrvatske pučke stranke Stjepana Barića, Korošec je iz hrvatske javnosti bio zasut optužbama da na račun Hrvatske spletkari sa Srbima. Kao što je rekao Radićev nasljednik Vladko Maček, vođa Slovenske pučke stranke postavio se u borbi između Zapada i Istoka ondje „gdje se nije smio postaviti ni kao čovjek zapadnoeuropske civilizacije, niti kao Slovenac, ponajmanje pak kao katolički svećenik“. Korošec se sve do smrti nije uspio osloboditi predbacivanja za svojevrsnu izdaju, koja su u hrvatskoj povijesnoj svijesti i dandanas živa. Međutim, treba istaknuti da je nakon povratka iz internacije na Hvaru Korošec više puta pokazao da je svjestan težine „hrvatskog pitanja“. Dok je bio ministar unutrašnjih poslova u vladi Milana Stojadinovića, on se otvoreno sukobio s premijerom zbog provedbe izbora u Hrvatskoj. Pad Stojadinovićeve vlade bio je, prije svega, rezultat Koroščeve politike. Naime, slovenski se državnik, za razliku od Stojadinovića, zalagao za sporazum prema kojem bi došlo do ispunjenja barem dijela hrvatskih zahtjeva, pa je čak u početku bio ovlašten od kneza Pavla da radi na tom pitanju. Ali u nalu pregovora oko sporazuma Cvetković-Maček, Korošec više nije bio konzultiran, pa se tako osjećao prevarenim. Usprkos tome, Korošec je u ime državne konsolidacije podupro sporazum, ali je zahtijevao da se uz Banovinu Hrvatsku utemelji i slična slovenska tvorevina
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF REGIONAL CONNECTIONS CONCEPTS 1919-1945
No full textDiplomsko delo z naslovom Primerjalna analiza konceptov regionalnih povezav predstavlja analizo regionalnih povezav v treh regijah, in sicer ameriški, vzhodnoazijski in evropski. Glavni poudarek je na času po prvi svetovni vojni, ker pa ima vsaka stvar svoj začetek, je analiziran tudi čas pred prvo svetovno vojno. Avtor je ugotovil, da je do sodelovanja ali povezovanja prišlo na pobudnico najmočnejših sil v posameznih regijah in da sta bila glavna koncepta povezovanja ekonomski in varnostni namen. V Ameriki so se želele Združene države ekonomsko razširiti v regijo. Pri tem so rabile stabilno regijo. Zato so si prizadevale za miroljubno reševanje konfliktov med državami v regiji. V Vzhodni Aziji je želela Japonska vzpostaviti regijo pod njenim vodstvom, ker je verjela, da se bo svet razdelil na približno štiri regije. V Evropi do regionalnih povezav na evropski ravni sicer ni prišlo, vendar so ideje in dejanski poizkusi v tej smeri obstajali.The thesis entitled »A Comparative Analysis of Regional Connections Concepts 1919-1945« presents an analysis of regional integration in three regions, namely American, East Asian and European. The main focus is the period after First World War, but since everything has its beginning the period before First World War has also been analyzed. The author has noted that the cooperation or association were on the initiative of most powerful forces in regions and that the main concepts of integration were of economic and security purposes. In Americas the United States wanted to expand economically in the region. For this they needed a stable region. Therefore, their aim was peaceful resolution of the conflicts between the countries in the region. In East Asia Japan wanted to establish a region under its authority because it was believed that the world will be divided into roughly four regions. In Europe the regional connections on this level were not established, but the ideas and actual attempts in this direction were present
The Idea of Central Europe in Slovenian Political Thought
No full textAutor je na temelju relevantne znanstvene literature i izvora, prvenstveno
suvremenog tiska i publicističkih radova, prikazao ideju Srednje Europe u
slovenskoj političkoj misli. U članku je istaknuto da je do sredine XIX. st.
Habsburška Monarhija u slovenskoj politici doživljavana kao jamac očuvanja
identiteta malih naroda u podunavskom geopolitičkom prostoru. Nakon osnutka
Kraljevine SHS ideja Srednje Europe gubi privremeno na svome značenju, ali se
ponovno javlja uoči Drugoga svjetskog rata. Nakon propasti komunističkog
sustava i raspada jugoslavenske federacije ideja Srednje Euope ponovno postaje
aktualna u krugovima slovenske inteligencije.The idea of Central Europe has a long tradition in the political thought of
Slovenia. The first Central European concepts in Slovenia resulted from its
views on the role of the Habsburg Monarchy in European politics. From
the perspective of Slovenian politics, ever since the national awakening in
Central Europe in 1848, the Habsburg Monarchy represented the guarantee
of the preservation of the identities of small nations in the heart of Europe.
When the process of the disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy began in
World War I, the Slovenian politicians endeavoured to act constructively by
formulating alternative concepts, according to which the nations of Central
Europe would, nevertheless, remain united within a Danube basin
(con)federation. After the constitution of Yugoslavia in 1918, the
aforementioned concepts lost on their topicality, so as to again enter the
minds of Slovenian intellectuals on the eve of World War II. The
penetration of Hitler’s Reich into the region of Central Europe, combined
with the threats of Stalin’s communist Empire, motivated a number of
Slovenian politicians even more to formulate schemes for a (con)federation
of small nations from the Baltic to the Adriatic. The idea was that only by
being united could they resist Great Germany and Great Russia. The
diplomatic agreements between the great political powers after the fall of
the Third Reich ceded the eastern parts of Central Europe to the Soviet
military power. It was only on the eve of the fall of the Iron Curtain at the
end of the 1980s that the idea of Central Europe became attractive anew to
the intellectuals of Slovenia. However, just as in the other newly democratised countries, these ideas were soon replaced by the ambitions of
political elites to join the European Union
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