1,720,977 research outputs found
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
A Listener\u27s Free Speech, a Reader\u27s Copyright
No full textDespite the Supreme Court\u27s repeated use of free speech doctrine to derail media reforms, some reform is possible. As Jerome A. Barron recognized, the Court\u27s central error is hypothesizing a romanticized speaker. The Court\u27s copyright jurisprudence is similarly marred by its congruent focus on a romanticized author. The original and continuing central purpose of both copyright and free speech is the wide distribution of material to citizens especially when politically relevant information and opinions are involved. The Constitution\u27s copyright clause, Article I, section 8, clause 8, allows Congress the power to enact only such statutes as encourage the progress (meaning distribution) of science (meaning knowledge). See Malla Pollack, What Is Congress Supposed to Promote?, 80 Nebr. L. Rev. 754 (2001). This reading explains why James Madison saw no need for a free speech clause, despite understanding that [a] popular government without popular information [b] or the means of acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy or perhaps both. See id. at 774-75. The Court, however, has allowed free speech to be used to undermine government attempts to regulate the media in the name of citizen enlightenment, and has allowed copyright to be wielded as a private weapon against distribution of politically potent writings. See, e.g., Time Warner Enter. v. FCC, 240 F.3d 1126 (D.C. Cir.) (holding that FCC\u27s rule limiting the vertical integration of cable ownership violates the First Amendment), cert. denied sub. nom., 534 U.S. 1054 (2001); Harper & Row Publishers v. Nation, 471 U.S. 539, 558-59 (1985) (holding that political importance of President Ford\u27s account of Nixon\u27s resignation was a reason supporting use of copyright to prevent its distribution by a competitor). Barron\u27s solution, however, is outdated. Barron believed that citizen-listeners would obtain the needed-inputs if would-be-speakers had a right of access to the mass media. Mere access is no longer enough. The explosion and digitalization of distribution channels drowns most content in noise. See, e.g., Ellen P. Goodman, Media Policy Out of the Box, 19, Berkeley Tech. L.J. 1389, 1392 (2004) (Today, the scarce resource is attention, not programing.). Citizen-listeners need some form of mediation to locate and recognize relevant high-quality content. Despite the Court\u27s continuing reluctance to burden speakers and authors for the benefit of listeners and readers, several existing doctrines offer possible routes to at least partial solutions. Copyright offers fair use and the uncopyrightability of government works. See 17 U.S.C. §§ 105 (government works), 107 (fair use); Banks v. Manchester, 128 U.S. 244 (1888) (rejecting copyright protection of judicial opinions). Free speech offers the concept of government speech. See Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Assn., 125 S. Ct. 2055 (2005) (allowing private parties to be compelled to fund government speech with which they disagree); Legal Svc. Corp. v. Velaquez, 531 U.S. 533, 540 (2001) (explaining prior case law as allowing viewpoint discrimination within the government\u27s own speech, even if voiced through a proxy). If the Supreme Court\u27s approval was the only road-block, the best solution would be an independent federal agency, generously supported by congressionally appropriated funds, with the sole mission of uncovering and distributing (in attention-catching form) information and opinions skeptical of official policies and pronouncements - a National Corporation for Public Criticism. Accord National Endowment for the Arts v. Finley, 524 U.S. 569 (1998) (approving government sponsored program where experts make quality decisions regarding which speech to fund). The government might be the only target, or the NCPC could scrutinize any entity related to an issue of public concern. Besides a generous budget for investigation and creative programing, NCPC would offer prospective investigative reporters the right to shield whistle-blowers (contra DOJ follow ups of the revelations that Plame worked for the CIA and that the president had approved warrant-less domestic wiretapping by the NSA). Congress and the President, however, are unlikely to bless such an official gadfly. (Consider, for example, the political appointees who tried to silence NASA scientists about global warming.) Some partial solutions may be more possible. First, a job for the courts, the government speech doctrine should be modified. The government is not an independent constitutional actor; it is the creature of the people, as copyright doctrine recognizes in refusing to ban unsanctioned copying of statutes and court decisions. Therefore, none of the generally accepted policy goals of free speech support the current, broad doctrine insulating government control of the bloated set of statements now imputed to the government. The government as speaker must be disaggregated and stripped of anonymity. But see Johanns (approving government message purporting to be sponsored by America\u27s Beef Producers). At least as to issues of political concern, the government entity sponsoring the speech must be clearly identified to listeners, thus protecting citizens from public relations tapes broadcast in the guise of independently authored news stories. Furthermore, government speakers must be allowed or actively encouraged to publicly disagree with each other. Second, a job for the legislature, internet mass media and government sources should be required to host or co-operate with citizen comments. Such a system could work by hyperlink and blog-like technology. Tying comments to internet-posts originated by professional news organizations or government agencies would solve the location problem. Legitimization of individual comments should be handled through reader-rating systems such as used by eBay and Move-On\u27s Action Forum. But see Miami Herald v. Tornillo, 418 U.S. 241 (1974) (using First Amendment to strike down a state statute which required hard-copy newspapers to print responses by political candidates); Los Angeles Times v. Free Republic, 54 USPQ2d 1543 (C.D. Cal. 1999) (holding that newspapers\u27 copyrights in original articles were violated by blog where copies of news reports were posted and criticized). Internet technology allows comments which do not meaningfully limit the space available for the newspapers\u27 own speech. To summarize, the Court still makes the analytical error recognized by Barron forty years ago. That error is reinforced by a similar misstep in copyright theory. Nevertheless, with creativity, some media reform is possible. This paper is part of a symposium in honor of the fiftieth anniversary of Jerome A. Barron\u27s article, Access to the Press - a New First Amendment Right, 80 Harv. L. Rev. 1641 (1967). Papers will be published in Hofstra Law Review
A Listener\u27s Free Speech, a Reader\u27s Copyright
Get PDFDespite the Supreme Court\u27s repeated use of free speech doctrine to derail media reforms, some reform is possible. As Jerome A. Barron recognized, the Court\u27s central error is hypothesizing a romanticized speaker. The Court\u27s copyright jurisprudence is similarly marred by its congruent focus on a romanticized author. The original and continuing central purpose of both copyright and free speech is the wide distribution of material to citizens especially when politically relevant information and opinions are involved. The Constitution\u27s copyright clause, Article I, section 8, clause 8, allows Congress the power to enact only such statutes as encourage the progress (meaning distribution) of science (meaning knowledge). See Malla Pollack, What Is Congress Supposed to Promote?, 80 Nebr. L. Rev. 754 (2001). This reading explains why James Madison saw no need for a free speech clause, despite understanding that [a] popular government without popular information [b] or the means of acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy or perhaps both. See id. at 774-75. The Court, however, has allowed free speech to be used to undermine government attempts to regulate the media in the name of citizen enlightenment, and has allowed copyright to be wielded as a private weapon against distribution of politically potent writings. See, e.g., Time Warner Enter. v. FCC, 240 F.3d 1126 (D.C. Cir.) (holding that FCC\u27s rule limiting the vertical integration of cable ownership violates the First Amendment), cert. denied sub. nom., 534 U.S. 1054 (2001); Harper & Row Publishers v. Nation, 471 U.S. 539, 558-59 (1985) (holding that political importance of President Ford\u27s account of Nixon\u27s resignation was a reason supporting use of copyright to prevent its distribution by a competitor). Barron\u27s solution, however, is outdated. Barron believed that citizen-listeners would obtain the needed-inputs if would-be-speakers had a right of access to the mass media. Mere access is no longer enough. The explosion and digitalization of distribution channels drowns most content in noise. See, e.g., Ellen P. Goodman, Media Policy Out of the Box, 19, Berkeley Tech. L.J. 1389, 1392 (2004) (Today, the scarce resource is attention, not programing.). Citizen-listeners need some form of mediation to locate and recognize relevant high-quality content. Despite the Court\u27s continuing reluctance to burden speakers and authors for the benefit of listeners and readers, several existing doctrines offer possible routes to at least partial solutions. Copyright offers fair use and the uncopyrightability of government works. See 17 U.S.C. §§ 105 (government works), 107 (fair use); Banks v. Manchester, 128 U.S. 244 (1888) (rejecting copyright protection of judicial opinions). Free speech offers the concept of government speech. See Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Assn., 125 S. Ct. 2055 (2005) (allowing private parties to be compelled to fund government speech with which they disagree); Legal Svc. Corp. v. Velaquez, 531 U.S. 533, 540 (2001) (explaining prior case law as allowing viewpoint discrimination within the government\u27s own speech, even if voiced through a proxy). If the Supreme Court\u27s approval was the only road-block, the best solution would be an independent federal agency, generously supported by congressionally appropriated funds, with the sole mission of uncovering and distributing (in attention-catching form) information and opinions skeptical of official policies and pronouncements - a National Corporation for Public Criticism. Accord National Endowment for the Arts v. Finley, 524 U.S. 569 (1998) (approving government sponsored program where experts make quality decisions regarding which speech to fund). The government might be the only target, or the NCPC could scrutinize any entity related to an issue of public concern. Besides a generous budget for investigation and creative programing, NCPC would offer prospective investigative reporters the right to shield whistle-blowers (contra DOJ follow ups of the revelations that Plame worked for the CIA and that the president had approved warrant-less domestic wiretapping by the NSA). Congress and the President, however, are unlikely to bless such an official gadfly. (Consider, for example, the political appointees who tried to silence NASA scientists about global warming.) Some partial solutions may be more possible. First, a job for the courts, the government speech doctrine should be modified. The government is not an independent constitutional actor; it is the creature of the people, as copyright doctrine recognizes in refusing to ban unsanctioned copying of statutes and court decisions. Therefore, none of the generally accepted policy goals of free speech support the current, broad doctrine insulating government control of the bloated set of statements now imputed to the government. The government as speaker must be disaggregated and stripped of anonymity. But see Johanns (approving government message purporting to be sponsored by America\u27s Beef Producers). At least as to issues of political concern, the government entity sponsoring the speech must be clearly identified to listeners, thus protecting citizens from public relations tapes broadcast in the guise of independently authored news stories. Furthermore, government speakers must be allowed or actively encouraged to publicly disagree with each other. Second, a job for the legislature, internet mass media and government sources should be required to host or co-operate with citizen comments. Such a system could work by hyperlink and blog-like technology. Tying comments to internet-posts originated by professional news organizations or government agencies would solve the location problem. Legitimization of individual comments should be handled through reader-rating systems such as used by eBay and Move-On\u27s Action Forum. But see Miami Herald v. Tornillo, 418 U.S. 241 (1974) (using First Amendment to strike down a state statute which required hard-copy newspapers to print responses by political candidates); Los Angeles Times v. Free Republic, 54 USPQ2d 1543 (C.D. Cal. 1999) (holding that newspapers\u27 copyrights in original articles were violated by blog where copies of news reports were posted and criticized). Internet technology allows comments which do not meaningfully limit the space available for the newspapers\u27 own speech. To summarize, the Court still makes the analytical error recognized by Barron forty years ago. That error is reinforced by a similar misstep in copyright theory. Nevertheless, with creativity, some media reform is possible. This paper is part of a symposium in honor of the fiftieth anniversary of Jerome A. Barron\u27s article, Access to the Press - a New First Amendment Right, 80 Harv. L. Rev. 1641 (1967). Papers will be published in Hofstra Law Review
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
koamabayili/VECTRON-author-checklist: VECTRON author checklist
No full textWe have done our best to complete the author checklist relating to the use of animals in the hut study. Note that the objective for the hut study was to evaluate the IRS treatment applications for residual efficacy against Anopheles mosquitoes, including the local An. coluzzii mosquito population. Cows were only used to attract mosquitoes into the huts and no tests were carried out directly on the cows. The author checklist is intended for use with studies where experiments are carried out on animals, which is why we have had such difficulty in completing this for the hut study, as many of the questions do not relate to how the cows were used
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