118,868 research outputs found
Special Issue: The Populist Politics of Euroscepticism in Times of Crisis
No full textThe European Union (EU) has been exposed to multiple stresses during the past decade. Virtually every EU member state has been affected (albeit to varying degree) by the negative consequences of the economic and financial crisis that unfolded after 2008. While the actual causes of this crisis are manifold, its occurrence primarily emphasised the structural limits of the Eurozone as a currency union without fiscal coordination. Just as the economies of member states were exiting the most severe phase of the crisis and finally undergoing recovery, a new crisis struck the EU. Amid an increasingly instable international political scenario, asylum seekers from near East and African countries reached EU borders in exceptional numbers. The 2015 refugee crisis put under considerable strain the internal decision-making of the EU – not to mention the consensus about international principles of solidarity. In June 2016, finally, the decision of the UK’s referendum to opt for ‘Brexit’ has the potential to be at least difficult, and at worst a full–blown crisis for EU crisis in terms of its legitimacy and need for reform.
Already in the months preceding the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections, a number of journalistic accounts anticipated a populist Eurosceptic landslide as one of the likeliest outcomes of the vote. While this alarmist scenario did not materialise in full (e.g. Mudde 2014), the reason for assuming a populist takeover in times of crisis rests both in the ideological persuasion(s) of these actors and the loss of legitimacy that recently affected the EU. Populist organisations traditionally voiced their opposition to ‘Europe’ on the basis of a composite series of arguments (Taggart 1998; Hooghe et al. 2002; de Vries and Edwards 2009); moreover, their ability to profit from moments of (real or perceived) crisis instinctively elevated them to potential beneficiaries of these particular junctures.
With the proposed special issue, we set out to investigate and systematically tackle the intersection of populism and Euroscepticism in the face of the multiple European crises. Populism and Euroscepticism have surged to the level of becoming empty signifiers in public debates (e.g. Bale et al. 2011); as we argue, the relationship between populism and Euroscepticism is neither necessary, nor consequential. Most importantly, even when these features are found in unison, they are liable to adapt to changing socioeconomic, cultural, and political circumstances. We believe that the crises that have hit the EU over the past decade offer critical instances of change – and it is indeed the crucial element of ‘crisis’ that we intend to factor into the equation. Crises have been long interpreted as macro-level background conditions favouring the surge of populist parties (e.g. Taggart 2000); however, very little attempts have been made to address how populists perform crises (Moffitt 2015). The special issue critically connects the unfolding of the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, and Brexit to the Eurosceptic discourse of populist parties across a number of cases. As it stands, the special issue comes across as the very first attempt to coherently link these three aspects through comparative and empirical contributions.
Straying from accounts on the performance of these parties in the electoral market, we aim to contribute to the existing literature on the ‘supply side’ of populist Eurosceptic politics in two ways. First, by ascertaining if and how the ideological contours of Euroscepticism have changed as a result of these crises (i.e. the ‘inward’ aspect). Second, by establishing if and how these discourses have reverberated across the party-political arena, releasing effects in the political process (i.e. the ‘outward’ aspect).
The recent economic, financial, refugee, and Brexit crises offer an unprecedented opportunity to delve deeper into these aspects. While we are generally agnostic about the possibility that populist actors may have substantively altered the content of their oppositional discourses as a result of these crises, we nevertheless think that parties expressing Euroscepticism might strategically harden their opposition to the EU, and/or frame the issue differently according to changing circumstances (Pirro and van Kessel, forthcoming). For the second aspect of our enquiry, we are partly motivated by a growing body of literature pointing to the increasing relevance of populist parties in their respective national arenas (e.g. van Spanje 2010; Minkenberg 2015). Assuming that populist (in this case, radical right) actors have effectively managed to exert influence on policy dimensions such as immigration or minority politics, we are interested to address the question of changing/additional dimensions of contestation (Pirro 2015). In other words, what competition dynamics unfold following the co-optation of populist radical issues by mainstream political parties? Does competition shift towards other (i.e. EU-related) policy dimensions? And what are the effects released by populist Eurosceptic actors in the political process
Special Issue: The Far Right as Social Movement
No full textThe Special Issue aims at establishing a systematic discussion on the far right as a social movement by means of interdisciplinary dialogue between scholars sharing an interest in political sociology and the dynamics of far-right collective action. The ambition of the SI is to provide a common ground for different scholarships – on party politics and social movements – that have so far developed independently despite a number of commonalities and their reciprocal relevance
The organization and strategies of far-right movement parties
No full texthttps://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003613930-8/organization-strategies-far-right-movement-parties-andrea-pirro-pietro-castelli-gattinar
Anti-Corruption from Below. Social Movements Against Corruption in Late Neoliberalism
No full textIn the last decades, growing awareness emerged amid progressive social movements about the relevance of corruption as a hidden factor negatively influencing political and economic decision-making processes, in both liberal-democratic and authoritarian regimes. Against the immoral power of the 1 per cent, anti-austerity protests have for instance stigmatised the specific characteristics of corruption in the evolution – i.e. the expansion and crisis – of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism, as the second ‘great transformation’, has brought about a shift towards free market and away from social protection. Endorsed by international financial organisations such as the IMF or the World Bank, policies in various states have been oriented towards privatisation, liberalisation, and deregulation. Notwithstanding the envisaged separation between market and state, as well as the benefits of greater competition, neoliberal policies have ended up increasing the power of corporations, creating market distortions and forms of state collusion. These factors have ostensibly contributed to a crisis of legitimacy, which can also be interpreted in terms of a crisis of responsibility. Social movements have then denounced cases of rampant corruption, developing specific prognostic and diagnostic frames as well as knowledge and practices for social accountability of political and economic powers. In this special issue, we shall reflect on the characteristics of these collective actors, bringing original empirical evidence, as well as considering the theoretical challenges that they present for social movement theory. The guest editors seek to attract original comparative or case study contributions of any methodological persuasion, focusing on anti-corruption activism in different regions of the world
Movement Parties of the Far Right: Understanding Nativist Mobilization
No full textIn an era of traditional political party decline, this book explores a new phase of nativist mobilization, in which street politics plays an increasingly important role. Pietro Castelli Gattinara and Andrea Pirro delve into the hybrid and transitional nature of far-right movement parties, i.e. collective actors that contest elections like political parties and mobilize in the protest arena like social movements. Movement parties offer an exceptional object of study since they challenge the conventional distinction between institutional and non-institutional politics. Examining the 'production structure' of ten movement parties across nine European countries, the authors identify key factors that affect their engagement in protest activity. They address the organizational capacity, decision-making processes, and external mobilization of these collective actors using unique empirical material, including quantitative data on far-right protest mobilization spanning over a decade, protest network visualizations, and qualitative interviews with high-ranking officials.
The book provides fresh insights into how the far right spreads its influence and relates to non-institutional politics, making it essential reading for anyone concerned about the way in which nativist collective actors transform society from the ground up. A compelling study looking at the relationship between electoral politics and grassroots activism, Movement Parties of the Far Right illuminates the complex organizational and strategic choices underlying far-right mobilization
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