1,721,026 research outputs found
Séminaire IAO - Pierre van der Eng: All lies? Famines in Sukarno's Indonesia, 1950s-1960s
No full text[ndlr] Annonce de la séance du séminaire de l'Institut d'Asie Orientale le jeudi 16 mai 2013 à l'ENS de Lyon. All Lies? Famines in Sukarno’s Indonesia, 1950s-1960s Pierre van der Eng ANU College of Asia and the Pacific Australian National University Abstract Regional food shortages occurred in Indonesia during the 1950s and 1960s, but little is known about why they happened and to what extent they caused regional famines. Political turmoil absorbed most public attention during these years, an..
Expatriate employment to contain risk: the case of Japanese subsidiary firms in East Asia
No full textPierre van der Eng (Australian National University).International audienc
Australia needs new Eurovision
No full textWithout a free trade agreement, Australia risks losing out on new trade and investment opportunities with the European Union..Soon after Australia’s new government took office in September, Foreign Affairs Minister Julie Bishop stated that Australia would put ‘economic diplomacy’ at the centre of its foreign policy. In the weeks that followed, the government gave Trade Minister Andrew Robb a mandate to focus this economic diplomacy on sealing free trade agreements (FTAs) with China, Japan and South Korea. These three countries are among Australia’s biggest trade partners, but there is now a risk that Australia’s new economic diplomacy priorities lead it to neglect its business relations with what arguably is its biggest partner in foreign trade and investment, if we consider both together; the European Union. On any measure, the European Union of now 28 member states is a trade superpower. The EU accounts for 25% of global GDP, has a population of 504 million people and with 34% of global goods and services trade constitutes the world’s largest trading entity. The EU also occupies a key role among Australia’s commercial partners as its largest source of imports and its third-largest export market. Furthermore, the legacy of Australia’s economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, the creation of the Single European Market in the EU and changes to the Common Agricultural Policy in Europe, have created a much more positive commercial environment between Australia and Europe, especially in trade of services and manufactures and in investment. For the past three years, Australia and the EU have been seeking a closer relationship through the negotiation of a ‘Framework Treaty’ aimed at increased bilateral cooperation, but stopping short of specific commitments which would expand two-way trade and investment. This seems curious, given the importance of the trade relationship with the EU and the fact that trade policy and trade negotiations are exclusive responsibilities of the EU institutions in Brussels. In contrast, broader foreign policy responsibility rests with the individual member states of the EU. The framework treaty negotiations since October 2010 have no doubt been beneficial in lifting the profile of the bilateral relationship in Brussels and in Canberra, but they remain uncompleted after three years. The time has come to move economic diplomacy up a notch with a full-fledged Australia-EU FTA, as we argue in a longer article ‘Australia and the EU: Is the framework treaty enough?’ published recently in the Australian Journal of International Affairs. The completion of the framework treaty negotiations, once an FTA is finalised, would provide an effective complement for cooperation with the EU on a broader range of policy issues, including foreign and security policy, the environment, science and technology cooperation, foreign aid policy and education cooperation. Several specific factors now make an FTA between Australia and the EU an appropriate target for Australia’s economic diplomacy. Prospects for revitalising the moribund Doha multilateral round of trade negotiations in Geneva appear dim. Further multilateral trade liberalisation for the foreseeable future, which remains the preferred route for both Australia and the EU, therefore seems remote. The EU has already embarked on a program of negotiating ‘new generation’ FTAs with selected countries. The aim of these new generation FTAs is to seek trade liberalisation not only of border trade measures such as tariffs, but also behind-the-border non-tariff measures, mainly regulatory barriers to trade. Such barriers are the key impediment to the liberalisation of trade in services and are increasingly important in restricting trade in manufactures, food products and agriculture as well as investment and public procurement. The EU concluded the first ‘new generation’ FTA with South Korea in 2009. It since embarked on FTA negotiations with, Canada, Singapore, India, Malaysia, Japan and in July 2013 with the United States. The EU therefore has now either negotiated, or is negotiating, FTAs with most of Australia’s major Asian and (non-European) OECD trading partners. The ‘Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement’ that Canada agreed with the EU on 18 October has relevant parallels with Australia’s trade relations with the EU. Both Australia and Canada are mid-ranking, highly developed countries. The size of their economies and their dependence on the EU for trade and investment are broadly comparable. Canada and Australia also share with the EU comparable systems of regulatory values, objectives and governance. Like Canada, Australia has a federal system with the sub-federal governments exercising comparable levels of domestic regulatory authority, such as in relation to services, setting product standards and public procurement. The opening of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations between the EU and the United States in July this year is an important new development for the bilateral EU-US trade relationship and for global trade in general. Should Australia wait for the outcomes of these negotiations before making its own approach to the EU? Arguably not. The stakes in the EU-US negotiations will be high. The major transatlantic trade barriers are the regulatory non-tariff trade barriers. It will take considerable time to make progress and reach compromises that will work for both sides – certainly much longer than the ‘single tank of gas’ that the US claimed it wants to do the negotiations on. The time is right for Australia to step up its economic diplomacy with the EU. Australia gains little in continuing to cruise along on its current track, losing out on new trade and investment opportunities with the EU without an FTA.Don Kenyon and Pierre van der Eng are Associate Professors at, respectively, the Centre for European Studies and the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University. Image: European Union and Australia alliance and friendship / Shutterstock  
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Labour-Intensive Industrialisation in Indonesia, 1930-1975: Output Trends and Government Policies
No full textGrowth of industrial output for domestic consumption during 1930-75 was significant, but not continuous; growth (1932-41) was followed by decline (1942-46), recovery (1947-57), stagnation (1958-65) and acceleration (1966-75). Protective trade policies triggered growth in the 1930s, when industry policy favoured a balanced development of capital-intensive large and medium-sized ventures and labour-intensive small firms and firms in light industries. The gist of this policy continued during the late-1940s and 1950s, but industry policies increasingly favoured large, capital-intensive stateowned enterprises. By 1960, policies no longer targeted small ventures and labour-intensive industrialisation. After 1966, economic stabilisation and deregulation rekindled the momentum of industrialisation. Although policy interest in the development of small industrial ventures revived in 1975, large-scale labour-intensive industrialisation did start until the mid-1980s.Manufacturing industry, Indonesia, industry policy, technological change
Capital Formation and Capital Stock in Indonesia, 1950-2007
No full textThis paper presents long-term estimates of gross fixed capital formation for 1951-2007 that are disaggregated by categories of productive assets. These data, combined with approximations of probable average asset lives and a feasible asset retirement method are used in a Perpetual Inventory Method to estimate gross fixed capital stock in Indonesia for 1950-2007 disaggregated by productive assets. Most of Indonesia’s capital stock long consisted of residential and non-residential structures. Total capital stock grew significantly since the late-1960s at about 10% per year, until the 1997-98 economic crisis. The high capital-output ratio in 1997 suggests that part of Indonesia’s high economic growth during the 1990s was due to unsustainable resource accumulation.investment, capital formation, capital stock, economic growth, Indonesia
Exploring Exploitation: The Netherlands and Colonial Indonesia 1870–1940
No full textStudies of the economic relations between Great Britain and its colonies, such as Hopkins (1988) and O'Brien (1988), have revitalised controversy about the relevance of economic factors in the history of imperialism. Some have denigrated the relevance of the Hobson-Lenin thesis that capitalists required new overseas investment opportunities to postpone the collapse of capitalism, and the argument that colonies were a paying proposition. This article assesses the economic relations between the Netherlands and its colony Indonesia. It aims to raise the profile of this connexion in the controversy mentioned above, and to explore whether and to what extent the economic relationship may be crucial to explaining «metropolitan» economic development and «peripheral» underdevelopment.</jats:p
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