6,424 research outputs found
British Muslims and the anti-war movement
No full textFirst paragraph: On 15th February 2003 demonstrations were held around the world to oppose the invasion of Iraq, a global event considered to be the ‘largest protest event in human history' (Walgrave and Rucht 2010). The demonstration held in London attracted an estimated 2 million people which dwarfed the previous mass rallies of British political history including the Chartists, the Suffragettes, and anti-Vietnam war protestors (Gillan et al 2008). This anti-war movement ‘generated not just the biggest demonstrations in British history but also an unprecendented outbreak of direct action, including the biggest wave of school walkouts' (Nineham 2013). Ten years on, it was claimed that this mass protest ‘defined a generation', as for many it was the first time they had taken to the streets (Barkham 2013). Images from that day show a sea of people with various placards that were handed out. Alongside those prepared by the Daily Mirror newspaper and the Stop the War Coalition (StWC), the main organiser of the event, some of the most ubiquitous were those belonging to the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB). This is just one indication of the role that British Muslims played in both the organisation and participation of the anti-war march that day. Indeed, while it is impossible to garner exact figures, it is certain that this was also the largest mobilisation of British Muslims. Many of them had travelled from all over the country, often on specially organised coaches, in order to make their voice heard in the capital. Others participated in demonstrations in towns and cities up and down the country. Yet the involvement of British Muslims in the anti-war movement goes beyond their participation in that worldwide day of action. They were involved in the movement from the very founding of the StWC, at a time when the war in question was the invasion of Afghanistan. They also continued to be a part of the movement long after the invasion and occupation of Iraq had begun
Introduction
No full textFirst paragraph: There is increasing interest in the political participation and representation of religious and ethnic minorities in Europe (Bird, Saalfeld, and Wüst 2010, Benbassa 2011, Givens and Maxwell 2012, Neilsen 2013). While in many countries this is quite a new topic, such research in Britain actually dates back to the early 1970s. This can firstly be explained by the settlement of large numbers of migrants from its former colonies in the immediate post-war period which meant that issues of immigration, race and ethnicity became prominent relatively early. Also, unlike other European countries which denied voting rights to migrants, many of those arriving in Britain had full political rights as either citizens of the UK or Commonwealth citizens. It was in this context that Muhammad Anwar started his research on political participation amongst minorities in Britain by firstly monitoring the participation of Asians in Rochdale in the parliamentary by-election of 1972 and then participation by all ethnic minorities during the 1974 general election (Anwar and Kohler 1975). His work has been crucial in our understanding of this phenomenon and it is fitting that his foreward begins this current volume. Other important landmarks in this field include works by Anthony Messina (1989), Shamit Saggar (1991) and Andrew Geddes (1995)
Variations on the Author
No full text“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Returning culture to peacebuilding : contesting the liberal peace in Sierra Leone
No full textThis thesis investigates the advantages and limitations of applying culture to the analysis of violent conflict and peacebuilding, with a particular focus on liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. While fully aware of the critique of the concept of culture in terms of its uses for the production of difference and ‘otherness,’ it also seeks to respond to the critique of liberal peacebuilding on the account of its low sensitivity towards local culture, which allegedly undermines the peace effort. After a careful examination of the terms of discussion about culture enabled by theoretical approaches to conflict in Chapter 2, the thesis presents a theoretical framework for the analysis of cultural aspects of conflict and peace based on the processes and effects of meaning-generation (Chapter 3), developing the conceptual apparatus and vocabulary for the subsequent empirical study. Instead of bracketing out the recursive nature of cultural theorising, the developed approach embraces the recursive dynamics which arise as a result of cultural ‘embeddedness’ of the analyst and the processes which s/he seeks to elucidate, mirroring similar dynamics in the cultural production of meaning and knowledge. The framework of ‘embedded cultural enquiry’ is then used to analyse the practices of liberal peacebuilding as a particular culture, which shapes the interaction of the liberal peace with its ‘subjects’ and critics as well as framing its reception of the cultural problematic generally (Chapter 4). The application of the analytical framework to the case study investigates the interaction between the liberal peace and ‘local culture,’ offering an alternative reading of the conflict and peace process in Sierra Leone (Chapter 5). The study concludes that a greater attention to cultural meaning-making offers a largely untapped potential for peacebuilding, although any decisions with regard to its deployment will inevitably be made from within an inherently biased cultural perspective
Letter from Timothy Donahue to his brother John, 31 October 1918
No full textTimothy Donahue writes from France to his brother John C. Donahue (possibly in Massachusetts) on 31 October 1918; he advises John to "be on the lookout for" his check in another letter (dated 30 October 1918) and describes a meal he had at the hospital. He saw Raymond Knapp (Norwich University Class of 1917) and is looking forward to peace in five or six months; asks if John will be called up soon.Timothy Michael Donahue (1893-1973) of Northfield, Vermont, served in the Vermont National Guard during the Mexican Border Crisis and in the U.S. Army during World War I. His parents ran the Norwich University mess hall for many years
Postal votes and allegations of electoral fraud in Peterborough’s by-election
No full textTimothy Peace and Parveen Akhtar discuss the allegations of electoral malpractice in the recent Peterborough by-election in which Labour won by 683 votes. While an initial police inquiry found that no offences were revealed, they explain why certain areas are more susceptible to such claims than others
How the Rassemblement National is using local government to ‘mainstream’
No full textDespite making significant electoral gains over the past decade, the French Rassemblement National remains excluded from power due to its extremist reputation. Examining its showcase town of Hénin-Beaumont, Fred Paxton and Timothy Peace show how the party is using the local level of government to ‘mainstream’ and project a more competent, government-ready image
How the Rassemblement National is using local government to ‘mainstream’
No full textDespite making significant electoral gains over the past decade, the French Rassemblement National remains excluded from power due to its extremist reputation. Examining its showcase town of Hénin-Beaumont, Fred Paxton and Timothy Peace show how the party is using the local level of government to ‘mainstream’ and project a more competent, government-ready image
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