26 research outputs found

    Crisis of Parties and Change of Party System in Italy

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    Leonardo Morlino. Is there a crisis of democracy in Southern Europe? 30 cm. This paper is based partly on a seminar entitled Is there a crisis of democracy in Southern Europe?" presented at the Center on November 16, 1995" - T.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 30-32

    Changes for Democracy: Actors, Structures, Processes

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    In this major new work, the author presents a broad-ranging and far-reaching analysis of the process of democratization. Having reviewed the main theoretical positions in the literature, he goes on to propose a new definition of democracy and to highlight and discuss the existence of a new type of regime: the hybrid regime. The second and third parts of the book cover three geopolitical areas (Southern Europe, Eastern Europe, and Latin America) and examine the main issues in the process of democratization across each area, including the transition toward democracy, installation, consolidation and crisis. From this analysis a new, more nuanced theoretical position is developed and presented. The analysis provides the richest reflection yet on one of the most important political processes of the modern times. The book will be essential reading for all scholars and students of democratization

    La igualdad en la medida de la calidad democrática Una revisión crítica de la propuesta de Leonardo Morlino11Este artículo es una versión revisada de la ponencia presentada en el 3er. Congreso Internacional de Ciencia Política celebrado en Guadalajara, lalisco, del 15 al 18 de julio de 2015..

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    ResumenEl artículo analiza la noción de calidad democrática desarrollada por Leonardo Morlino y el papel que el valor de la igualdad desempeña en su medición. En la primera parte se revisa la concepción de igualdad política a partir de la obra de Robert Dahl, cuya definición mínima de democracia es adoptada por Morlino. En la segunda, se analiza el valor de la igualdad desde la perspectiva del autor italiano y se argumenta que en la evaluación de un régimen la importancia de esta como valor sustantivo no es clara en términos analíticos, debido a que se traslapa con otras dimensiones de la calidad: las procedimentales y las relativas a resultados. En la tercera parte, se propone que una noción de igualdad política como la ofrecida por Dahl ofrece mayores recursos para evaluar y realizar comparaciones empíricas en torno a la calidad democrática.AbstractThis paper analyzes the notion of democratic quality developed by Leonardo Morlino and the role it plays in his measurement of the value of equality. The first part reviews the idea of political equality from the perspective of Robert Dahl's work, whose minimal definition of democracy is adopted by Morlino. The second examines the value of equality from the point of view of the Italian author, and argues that, in the assessment of a regime, its importance as a substantive value is analytically unclear since it gets enshrouded in the other dimensions of quality: the procedural and the results related ones. In the third part it is proposed that a notion of political equality such as the one offered by Dahl, could provide greater resources to evaluate and carry out empirical comparisons around democratic quality

    Las democracias en America Latina: un balance con consecuencias políticas

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    This paper starts from the application to Latin America of an analytical tool that has been developed to evaluate the quality of democracies and is based on the three notions of quality, in terms procedures (rule of law, electoral accountability, inter-institutional accountability, participation and political competition), content (freedom and socio-economic equality), and result (responsiveness). It takes in full consideration the previous research of the author on the area, and underlines both the major shortcomings that the empirical work has brought out and the most appropriate policies that should be implemented in order to improve the democratic quality of those countries. Obviously, the absence, partial or complete, of the actual conditions to put in place those policies is another matter and depends on other and related factors that would require subsequent empirical research to be enucleated

    Policy Learning

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    This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from SAGE Publications via the ISBN in this recordLearning is a fascinating topic for political science. Whether we look at comparative politics, public policy, or governance, we find that all these three main fields of political science are concerned with learning – but in different ways.European CommissionBritish Counci

    Explicar la calidad democrática: ¿qué tan relevantes son las tradiciones autoritarias?

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    This is the revised draft of the opening lecture given by the author at the 2004 Conference of Italian Society of Political Science in Padua. In the first section the main definitions of democracy and democratic qualities rule of law, electoral accountability, inter-institutional accountability, responsiveness, freedom and equality/solidarity are discussed. In the second a key question is addressed: if we would like to explain the qualities of a democracy how much are the previous political traditions of the country relevant? Other explanatory factors, which complement the role of an authoritarian legacy, are also suggested and a few key hypotheses are proposed. The final section does not provide any comprehensive explanation, but analyses of the impact of authoritarian legacy in a few countries of Southern Europe, such as Portugal, Spain, and Italy (but not Greece where it is not relevant) and in the Southern Cone as Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, where the quality of contemporary democracies is questioned.Esta es una versión revisada de la lectura abierta dada por el autor el año 2004, en la conferencia de la sociedad italiana de Ciencia Política en Padua. En la primera sección se discute la principal definición de democracia y calidad democrática, como estado de derecho, accountability electoral, accountability interinstitucional, responsiveness, libertad y equidad/solidaridad. En la segunda parte surge una pregunta clave: si nosotros quisiéramos explicar la calidad de la democracia, ¿cuán relevantes son las tradiciones políticas previas? También son sugeridos otros factores explicativos que complementan el rol de los legados autoritarios, proponiendo pequeñas hipótesis clave. En la última sección se analiza el impacto del legado autoritario sobre la calidad de las democracias contemporáneas en países del sur de Europa como Portugal, España e Italia y el Cono Sur de Latinoamérica tal como Chile, Argentina, Uruguay y Brasil

    Identidad del orden jurídico y régimen político

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    A la primera part, l'autor tracta de demostrar que certs criteris formals d'identitat d'un ordre jurídic (com els defensats per Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resulten satisfactoris, perquè ignoren la repercussió que sobre aquesta qüestió té la connexió entre el dret i la política. La solució passa, aleshores, per trobar un criteri material d'identitat dels ordres jurídics. A la segona part es proposa que aquesta identitat es defineixi en termes d'identitat dels règims polítics. Això permet emprar l'instrumental analític de la teoria política (des de Easton a Morlino). La conclusió: dins d'un cert ordre estatal, un ordre jurídic manté la seva identitat fins que el règim polític segueixi sent el mateix. Al seu torn, un règim polític manté la seva identitat fins que els seus elements són modificats de tal manera que ens porten a haver de incloure'l en una categoria diferent, dins d'una determinada classificació.En la primera parte, el autor pretende demostrar que ciertos criterios formales de identidad de un orden jurídico (como los defendidos por Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resultan satisfactorios, dado que ignoran la repercusión que sobre esta cuestión tiene la conexión entre el derecho y la política. La solución pasa por delinear un criterio material de identidad de los órdenes jurídicos en términos de identidad de los regímenes políticos, como se hace en la segunda parte. Ello permite usar el instrumental analítico de la teoría política (desde Easton hasta Morlino). La conclusión: dentro de cierto orden estatal, un orden jurídico mantiene su identidad hasta que el régimen político sigue siendo el mismo. A su vez, un régimen político mantiene su identidad hasta que sus elementos se modifican de tal manera que nos llevan a clasificarlo en otra categoría en el seno de una clasificación dada.In the first part, the author attempts to demonstrate that certain formal criteria of identity of a legal order (the Austin's, Kelsen's and Hart's criteria) are not satisfactory, because they ignore the repercussions of the link between law and politics. The solution can only be found in trying to delineate a material criterion for the identity of legal orders. In the second part, the author defines the identity of legal orders in terms of the identity of political regimes. In this way, he can make use of the analytical tools devised of political theory (from Easton to Morlino). The conclusion: within a certain State order, a legal order maintains its identity as long as the political regime stays the same. The political regime, in turn, maintains its identity until its elements are modified in a way that forces us to attribute it to another category, within a given classification.Programa de doctorat en Dre

    Low Diagnostic Accuracy of Transthoracic Ultrasound for the Assessment of Spontaneous Pneumothorax in the Emergency Setting: A Multicentric Study

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    Background: Pneumothorax (PNX) represents a common clinical condition in emergency departments (EDs), requiring prompt recognition and treatment. The role of transthoracic ultrasounds (TUSs) in the diagnosis of PNX is still debated. We aimed to prospectively evaluate the accuracy of TUSs in the detection of spontaneous PNX in EDs. Methods: A total of 637 consecutive adult patients who presented to the EDs of four Italian hospitals complaining of acutely onset chest pain and dyspnoea were included in the study. Exclusion criteria were previous traumatic events, cardiogenic causes of pain/dyspnoea and suspected tension PNX. The absence of “lung sliding” (B-mode) and the “bar-code” sign (M-mode) were considered indicative of PNX in a TUS. Accuracy, sensitivity, specificity, and positive and negative predictive values (PPVs, NPVs) were calculated using a chest CT scan as reference. Results: Spontaneous PNX occurred in 93 patients: of those, 83 (89.2%) were correctly identified by TUSs. However, 306 patients with suspected PNX at TUS were not confirmed by chest CTs. The diagnostic accuracy of both the absence of “lung sliding” and “bar-code” sign during TUS was 50.4% (95% CI: 46.4–54.3), sensitivity was 89.2% (95% CI: 81.1–94.7), specificity was 43.8% (95% CI: 39.5–48.0), the PPV was 21.3% (95% CI: 19.7–23.1) and the NPV was 96.0% (95% CI: 92.9–97.7). Conclusions: TUS showed high sensitivity but low specificity in the identification of PNX in EDs. Relying exclusively on TUSs results for patients’ management in ED settings is neither suitable nor recommendable. TUS examination can be useful to strengthen the clinical suspicion of PNX, but its results should be confirmed by a chest X-ray or CT scan

    The post-communist tripartition 1990-2005 : contrasting actor-centred and structural explanations

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    Defence date: 28 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Mair (EUI); Prof. Herbert Kitschelt (Duke University); Prof. Leonardo Morlino (Istituto Italiano di Scienze Umane); Prof. Laszlo Bruszt (EUI Supervisor)First made available online: 5 September 2009This dissertation seeks to explain the divergent political pathways of twenty six post-communist states, following the breakdown and eventual collapse of communism in 1989-1991. Considering the trajectories of individual states between 1990 – 2007, this dissertation challenges two central bodies of theory relating to democratization and regime change. Through a sustained analysis of global and post-communist developments within this time period, the author shows that claims of an increasing asymmetry between the ‘electoral’ and ‘liberal’ elements of modern democracy have been greatly exaggerated. The author goes on to contend that in accounting for the geographical dispersion of post-communist regime forms, deeper structural factors should be considered as crucial. The dissertation is divided into the following parts: * Part I demonstrates how different conceptualisations of democracy can lead to very different conclusions about the empirical dynamics of democratization. * Part II contrasts different explanations of post-communist political change and provides an integrated framework for explaining the political pathways encountered within the former Eastern Bloc. This dissertation will be of interest to students and scholars of post-communist studies, democratization studies, comparative politics and regime change

    Identidad del orden jurídico y régimen político

    No full text
    A la primera part, l'autor tracta de demostrar que certs criteris formals d'identitat d'un ordre jurídic (com els defensats per Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resulten satisfactoris, perquè ignoren la repercussió que sobre aquesta qüestió té la connexió entre el dret i la política. La solució passa, aleshores, per trobar un criteri material d'identitat dels ordres jurídics. A la segona part es proposa que aquesta identitat es defineixi en termes d'identitat dels règims polítics. Això permet emprar l'instrumental analític de la teoria política (des de Easton a Morlino). La conclusió: dins d'un cert ordre estatal, un ordre jurídic manté la seva identitat fins que el règim polític segueixi sent el mateix. Al seu torn, un règim polític manté la seva identitat fins que els seus elements són modificats de tal manera que ens porten a haver de incloure'l en una categoria diferent, dins d'una determinada classificació.En la primera parte, el autor pretende demostrar que ciertos criterios formales de identidad de un orden jurídico (como los defendidos por Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resultan satisfactorios, dado que ignoran la repercusión que sobre esta cuestión tiene la conexión entre el derecho y la política. La solución pasa por delinear un criterio material de identidad de los órdenes jurídicos en términos de identidad de los regímenes políticos, como se hace en la segunda parte. Ello permite usar el instrumental analítico de la teoría política (desde Easton hasta Morlino). La conclusión: dentro de cierto orden estatal, un orden jurídico mantiene su identidad hasta que el régimen político sigue siendo el mismo. A su vez, un régimen político mantiene su identidad hasta que sus elementos se modifican de tal manera que nos llevan a clasificarlo en otra categoría en el seno de una clasificación dada.In the first part, the author attempts to demonstrate that certain formal criteria of identity of a legal order (the Austin's, Kelsen's and Hart's criteria) are not satisfactory, because they ignore the repercussions of the link between law and politics. The solution can only be found in trying to delineate a material criterion for the identity of legal orders. In the second part, the author defines the identity of legal orders in terms of the identity of political regimes. In this way, he can make use of the analytical tools devised of political theory (from Easton to Morlino). The conclusion: within a certain State order, a legal order maintains its identity as long as the political regime stays the same. The political regime, in turn, maintains its identity until its elements are modified in a way that forces us to attribute it to another category, within a given classification.Programa de doctorat en Dre
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