1,082 research outputs found

    Challenger’s delight: The results of the 2018 Italian general election

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    The results of the 2018 general election were shocking. Although main competitors were the same as in 2013 (the centre-right coalition, the centre-left coalition, and the M5S), high uncertainty surrounded the electoral outcome because of the application of a new electoral system, and polls data indicating the competitiveness of the multiple political formations and the high number of undecided voters. For the first time in Western European history, a successful debutant was able not to lose votes in the following election – the 2013 M5S was actually the most successful debutant in Western Europe since the end of WW, and it gained over 7 percentage points, coming just short to one third of the votes. At the same time, the LN reached its best results in history, with 17.3% of the national votes. Thus, these two challenger parties combined received over 50% of Italian votes, while the two former big parties, national wings of the major EP party families, both saw their historical lows, summing to less than a third of the votes. The election resulted in a hung Parliament. The centre-right coalition was first, but far from a majority of seats. The M5S was the most-voted party, finishing second, closed behind the centre-right. The centre-left was outdistanced. In this article we describe and discuss the 2018 electoral results and its strange, largely unexpected outcome. More specifically we look at the voter turnout and the results of the vote, both at the overall national level and with their geographical articulations, comparing and contrasting them with Italian electoral history – and 2013 results in particular. Finally, we conclude by analysing survey data and vote shifts between 2013 and 2018, to assess the electoral dynamics generating the described results

    Process matters: the variegated effects of municipal amalgamation features on voter turnout revealed in a 10-country comparative investigation

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    Most literature finds a detrimental effect of amalgamation on voter turnout in municipal elections. Some other studies reveal instead null or even positive effects. We argue that this inconsistency derives from the fact that previous research has only analysed the amalgamation/turnout relation in single case studies. The contribution of this article is therefore twofold. First, it proposes a unified framework to investigate the amalgamation/turnout relation in comparative perspective, which clarifies the shortcut between size and amalgamation, disentangles the multifaced nature of municipal amalgamation, and outlines clear testable hypotheses related to its implementation – both at the national and at the local level. Secondly, it provides an original 10-European-country dataset of municipal amalgamations in the last decades (comprising Albania, Austria, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway) to empirically verify such hypotheses concerning the effects of the amalgamation features on voter turnout. Our study crucially reveals the relevance of the characteristics of the amalgamation process. When the amalgamation is imposed by the national government, turnout is particularly low, similarly to when the amalgamation occurs independently from a wide reform scheme. On the other hand, municipal turnout after amalgamation is higher when a larger number of municipalities are merged and when the amalgamated municipalities had a similar population before being merged. Moreover, our empirical evidence confirms the importance of traditional second-order predictors of turnout in municipal elections, even with specific reference to the post-amalgamation elections. Conversely, in such elections, the overall size of the (final) municipality is not a significant predictor of voter turnout
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