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Radicalisation to commit terrorism from a political socialisation perspective in Kenya and Uganda
No full textEnglish: Preventing and combating terrorism should start with understanding what drives an individual
to resort to terrorism, taking into consideration that not all people experience
the same
external circumstances
–
not even people growing up in the same household. In order to
understand radicalisation, this study asks the question to what extent political socialisation
can explain the participation of individuals in terrorist organis
ations in Kenya and Uganda. Is
there a difference in the applicable factors between the divergent ideological frameworks of
the Allied Democratic Forces and the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, and al
-
Shabaab and
the Mombasa Republican Council in Kenya? T
o establish this, 285 interviews were conducted
with members of these four organisations and the families of al
-
Shabaab members who had
been killed or incarcerated, or who had disappeared in Kenya. This study found that political
socialisation, starting wi
th the family, peers, school, media, earlier political experiences and
the terrorist group, played a distinctive role in each of these organisations. In addition to the
differences, which create a distinctive profile for each organisation, the study also n
oted
remarkable similarities, starting with personality types, position in the family and education
(or the lack thereof). With this in mind, can law enforcement and social organisations be
guided to identify and reach individuals at risk? The process of a
nswering this question starts
with calling on governments and their security forces to understand the uniqueness of each
organisation. In other words, to copy and paste counterterrorism strategies between countries
is counterproductive. The only inclusive
finding across organisations and between countries
has to do with the manner in which countries and their security forces respond to these
organisations. Strategies based on ethnic and religious profiling, mass arrests and even torture
proved to be extreme
ly counterproductive. On this note, the study found that both Kenya and
Uganda have been unable to establish an inclusive national identity. Instead, religious and
ethnic identity drives political exclusion and relative deprivation. One of the key findings
of
this study is that only a very small minority is driven by purely economic circumstance. A core component among individuals being radicalised relates to the fact that people lose their
trust in politicians and the political system, while anger and fru
stration are directed at security
agencies that are presented as agents protecting the current regime at any cost. Consequently,
instead of preventing and combating terrorism, these approaches ensure that people
experiencing the mentioned strategies
–
and
even their family members
–
are radicalised. The
prevention of unconventional political participation should therefore start with creating a
political landscape in which people, especially those being marginalised, can express
themselves freely.
Additional
ly
, the legitimacy of the political process can only be ensured if
the political landscape is free and fair. Therefore, the legitimacy of the government, the
measures security agencies implement to respond to these threats, and the potential for
unconventi
onal political participation are interlinked. The study also found that education is a
key factor in ensuring legitimate participation in the political process and the most effective
strategy to
prevent relative deprivation.Afrikaans: Alvorens daar met die voorkoming en bekamping van terrorisme begin kan word, moet daar
allereers ‘n begrip wees waarom ‘n individu hom of haar tot terreur wend. ‘n Belangrike punt
wat in ag geneem moet word, is dat mense nie dieselfde op eksterne faktore r
eageer nie; nie
eens mense wat in dieselfde huis grootgeword het nie. In ‘n poging om radikalisering te
verstaan, word in hierdie studie gevra in watter mate politieke sosialisering sekere individue
aanspoor om by sekere terreurorganisasies in Kenia en Uga
nda aan te sluit. Aangesien die
ideologiese raamwerke van van die Allied Democratic Forces (die ADF) en die Lord’s
Resistance Army (die LRA) in Uganda, en al
-
Shabaab en die Mombasa Republican Council
(die MRC) in Kenia van uiteenlopende aard is, onstaan die vraag hoe die aanleidende faktore
verskil waarmee voornemende lede van die onderskeie organisasies te kampe het? Ten einde
dit te bepaal, is 285 onderhoude met lede van die vier genoemde organisasies, asook
familielede van al
-
Shabaab ondersteuners wat gedood, in aanhouding, of in Kenia vermis gevoer. Hierdie studie het bevind dat politieke sosialisering, wat begin by die gesin, vriende,
die skool, die media en vroeëre ondervindings met die politiek en die terroristegroep, ‘n
duidelike rol in elk van d
ie organisasies gespeel het. Ten spyte van die verskille
–
wat ‘n
duidelike profiel van elke organisasie daarstel
–
het die studie getoon dat daar merkwaardige
ooreenkomste bestaan. Dit begin met persoonlikheidstipes, die rangorde in die gesin en
opvoedkun
dige kwalifikasies (of die gebrek daaraan). Met dit alles in gedagte, is dit moontlik
om wetstoepassers en maatskaplike organisasies behulpsaam te wees met die identifisering en
bereiking van moontlike risikogevalle? Die proses om dié vraag te beantwoord,
begin deur
regerings en hul veiligheidsmagte aan te spoor om te verstaan dat elke organisasie uniek is.
Om teen
-
terreurstrategieë wat in een staat gevolg word presies net so op ‘n ander van
toepassing te maak, is in werklikheid teenproduktief. Die enigste
gemene deler wat onder die
verskillende organisies en die onderskeie state aangetref is, is inderdaad die wyse waarop die
veiligheidsmagte van elke staat op die organisasies reageer. Aksies wat gegrond is op etniese en religieuse eienskappe, massa
-
arresta
sies en selfs marteling blyk uiters teenproduktief te
wees. Hierdie studie het inderwaarheid bevind dat beide Kenia en Uganda onsuksesvol was in
hul pogings om ‘n inklusiewe nasionale identiteit daar te stel. In teendeel lei ‘n religieuse en
etniese identi
teit uiteindelik daartoe dat politieke uitsluiting en verlies ervaar word. Een van
die belangrikste bevindings in hierdie studie is dat slegs ‘n klein minderheid aangespoor word
deur suiwer ekonomiese omstandighede. ‘n Kern komponent van individue wat gera
dikaliseer
is stem saam dat mense hul vertroue in politici en die politieke sisteem verloor het, terwyl
woede en frustrasie gemik is teen veiligheidsagentskappe wat bloot gesien word as
beskermers
–
dikwels ten alle koste
–
van die bestaande regime. Die ge
volg is dat in plaas van
terrorisme voorkom en bekamp, dié benaderings verseker dat persone (en dikwels hul
familielede ook) wat onder genoemde aksies ly, geradikaliseer word. Die voorkoming van
onkonvensionele politieke deelname behoort dus eerstens te be
gin met die daarstelling van ‘n
politieke landskap waar almal
–
en in die besonder diegene wat gemarginaliseerd is
–
hul vii
stem vrylik kan laat hoor. Tweedens kan die wettigheid van die politieke proses slegs
verseker wees indien die politieke landskap vry e
n regverdig is. Gevolglik is die legitimiteit
van die regering, die maatreëls wat veiligheidsmagte tref om bedreigings te bekamp en die
gevaar van onkonvensionele politieke deelname nou met mekaar verweef. Hierdie studie het
ook bevind dat goeie akademiese
onderrig ‘n kern faktor is wanneer wettige deelname aan die
politieke proses verseker word en uiteindelik die mees effektiewe strategie is om relatiewe
uitsluiting te voorkom
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
Piracy on the African east coast: A political science perspective
Get PDFGrowing activities of piracy in the Gulf of Aden and off the Horn of Africa have increasingly threatened maritime security on the African east coast. The severity of the crisis has compelled the international community to actively pursue solutions to the problem. In this context a variety of state and non-state actors have become involved and concerned with the problems and challenges that confront(ed) relevant role-players as it became evident that the manifestation of piracy is a multifaceted phenomenon. There are longer-term strategic implications, but also short-term practical or tactical issues to be addressed. The phenomenon of piracy in the Gulf of Aden and off the Horn of Africa is of special academic interest to the discipline of Political Science. Through assessment, interpretation, appraisal, and ascribing meaning to developments and events from different subdisciplinary angles, this article endeavours to provide a political science perspective on the phenomenon of maritime piracy on the African east coast
REGIONAL AGENCY AND HYBRIDISATION IN AFRICAN PEACEKEEPING: REVISITING THE CASES OF AMIS AND UNAMID IN SUDAN
No full textThe aim of this article is twofold. On the one hand, the article revisits
peacekeeping in the Sudan as a case relating to a greater desire for African
agency in regional security governance captured in the notion of African
solutions to African problems. On the other hand, it explores the need and
importance of hybridisation in security governance and the quest for
strengthened partnerships between peacekeeping actors on the African
continent and the international community at large. In view of the above, the
first focus area or case study under review is the establishment of the African
Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), a first ever for the African Union (AU) which
was launched in accordance with a decision of the AU in 2004 after
negotiations among the warring factions under the auspices of the AU. The
second focus area concerns the creation of the UN/African Union Hybrid
Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) in 2007 as a hybrid UN–AU operation to
bring stability in the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan where the AU was falling
short. Specifically, an assessment and appraisal is made of the first three years
of UNAMID deployment (2007–2010)
The South African military and peacekeeping: Reflections on conditions, capacity-building and prospects
Get PDFThe original publication is available at http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za/pubCITATION: Neethling, T. 2003. The South African military and peacekeeping: Reflections on conditions, capacity-building and prospects. Scientia Militaria - South African Journal of Military Studies, 31(1). https://doi.org/10.5787/31-1-146.Since the advent of a new dispensation in South Africa, expectations in Africa and elsewhere have steadily grown regarding South Africa's potential role as a peacekeeper in African conflicts. In fact, South Africa has been identified by many observers as the one state able to ensure effective peacekeeping on the African continent. On paper, South Africa's military capabilities appear impressive in terms of African standards. However, in reality there are current impediments to a major role for the South African military in Africa, of which the delicacy of the ongoing transformation process of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and financial constraints are significant. Moreover, it would seem that South Africa has thus far preferred the role of diplomatic peacemaker to that of forceful peacekeeper.Publisher's versio
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