110 research outputs found
Conflict of law and the methodology of Tarjīẖ : a study in Islamic legal theory
No full textIslamic law never achieved unity but expressed itself in, at least, four surviving schools. More interestingly, contemporary Muslim communities are still divided among themselves on a number of issues related to their laws. This work describes how problem of legal conflicts have been tackled by Muslim jurists. It is an attempt to examine closely the phenomenon of conflict in Islamic law from the standpoint of usūl-al-fiqh or Islamic legal theory. In fact, much is heard nowadays of the contradiction in the body of Islamic law. Whilst in contrast, little is presented in terms of the methodology of removing this conflict. The present work therefore, attempts to redress this balance. The emphasis of the work will be concerned primarily with tarjīh methodology ; how to give preference to one piece of evidence or argument over the other when they conflict. Nevertheless, considerable concern is given to investigating the background to the conflict of law in the Shari'ah.
This study of a neglected area in Islamic legal scholarship will be an important source of reference to students, both practising and theoretical jurists or to anyone who merely wishes to increase his knowledge of legal themes, particularly legal conflict. The very aim of the work is to argue that conflict is a natural and unavoidable consequence of legal study because legal conflict is only conflicting principles and arguments adduced by both the classical and modern jurists to reach what is actually intended by God in the target case. Therefore, conflicts are inevitable in most of the cases in fiqh owing to the variety of principles set out to deal with one piece of legal evidence, let alone with all the pieces of legal evidence in question.
Tarjīh is therefore, an important and workable instrument in the re-examination of these conflicts and in arriving at the most accurate principle for establishing the law for as long as this is possible. It is hoped that the discovery of new facts and the increase of knowledge which results from the broadening and deepening of the research will positively contribute to the process of unification of Islamic law
Koçu Baba Ocağı’na Ait Bir İcâzetnâme
No full textSeyit Hasan Gazi, der im 13. Jahrhundert gemeinsam mit Hacı Bektaş Veli nach Anatolien kam, ist auch als Koçu Baba bekannt. In der Velâyetnâme wird er als Vater von Abdal Musa und Mehemmed Abdal erwähnt. Da er der Sohn von Seyit Haydar Gazi, dem Onkel von Hacı Bektaş Veli, war, bestand eine Verwandtschaft zwischen den beiden. Es wird angenommen, dass diese Heiligen durch Abstammung von Ibrahim Mükerrem Mujâb, dem Sohn des siebten Imams Musa Kâzım, mit dem Propheten Muhammad verbunden waren und daher als „Seyit“, d.h. als Nachkommen Mohammeds, gelten dürfen. Heute befindet sich in dem Dorf Koçubaba im Bezirk Balışeyh von Kırıkkale eine Pilgerstätte zu Ehren von Koçu Baba. Im Zentrum des Koçu Baba Ocaks und anderen alevitischen Ocaks steht die Treue zu Gott, welche für das alevitisch-bektaschische Glaubenssystem äußerst wichtig ist. Zur Aufrechterhaltung dieser Struktur sind die Nachkommen Mohammeds sehr auf die spirituelle Anleitung ihrer Schüler („Talip“) bedacht. So ist es Tradition, dass mit Zustimmung der dem jeweiligen Ocak angehörigen Lehrmeister (mürşit) Seyits für den für dieses System unabdinglichen Posten des „Dede“ auserwählt wurden und kraft eines als İcâzetnâme bezeichneten Genehmigungs-/Erlaubnisschreibens als Dedes dienten.Bei dem Dokument, das in dieser Studie analysiert werden soll, handelt es sich um eine seitens des Koçu Baba Ocaks ausgestellte İcâzetnâme. Nach dem derzeitigen Forschungsstand im Bereich des Alevitentums und Bektaschitentums handelt es sich bei den İcâzetnâme, die jeweils durch die Lehrmeister für den Ocak, dem sie angehören, ausgestellt werden, um eine Tradition, die ihren Ursprung im 11. Jahrhundert hat. Verschiedene İcâzetnâme-Typen sind auch deshalb von Bedeutung, weil sie es ermöglichen, die Reihenfolge der Dedes, die in jener Zeit zum Mürşit gewählt wurden, und die Ocak-Zugehörigkeit der Mürşit zu ermitteln. Die Tatsache, dass der Koçu Baba Ocak dem Hacı Bektaş Veli Dergah angegliedert ist und hier die Tradition, sich eine Genehmigung (icâzet) vom Postnishin einzuholen, fortgesetzt wird, gibt zudem Aufschluss über die Hierarchie zwischen den Ocaks. Auch findet sich hierin ein Hinweis auf die historischen Wurzeln des Dede-Status, von dem man im Allgemeinen annimmt, dass dieser vom Vater an den Sohn übertragen wird. Aufgrund ihrer klaren und verständlichen Sprache stellt die hier behandelte, in osmanischem Türkisch verfasst İcâzetnâme ein wichtiges Dokument dar, mithilfe dessen sich der damalige Stil besser verstehen lässt.Seyit Hasan Gazi, one of the erens (sacred persons) who came to Anatolia with Haci Bektash Veli in the 13th century, is also known as Koçu Baba. According to the information in the sources of Vilayetname, he is the father of Abdal Musa and Mehmed Abdal. At the same time, through his father Seyit Haydar Gazi, who is the uncle of Haci Bektashi Veli, he is related to him. It is accepted that these velis (sacred persons) are connected to the Prophet Muhammed through the lineage of Ibrahim Mükerrem Mücab, the son of the seventh Imam Musa Kazim, who is their ancestor, and therefore have the characteristics of seyyid. Today, the sacred site of Koçu Baba is in the Koçubaba village, located in the Balişeyh district of Kirikkale. The structure based on the devotion to the Truth, which is maintained by the seyyids in the ocak of Koçu Baba, one of the Anatolian Alevi ocaks, and in the other ocaks, is extremely important within the Alevi-Bektashi belief system. Thereby it is known that seyyids elected for the dede position with the approval of the guides to whom the ocak is affiliated, serve as dede with the “approval, permission documents” called icazetname. The document analysed in our study is an icazetname that belongs to the Koçu Baba ocak. According to the Alevi-Bektashi researches, it appears that the icazetname tradition, which is thought to have started in the 11th century, was passed on by the guide ocak to the ocaks affiliated to it. The type of icazetname is also important in terms of the rank of the dede, selected as a guide during his period, and determining which ocak the guides were affiliated with. Information about the fact that the ocak of Koçu Baba is affiliated with the dergah of Haci Bektashi Veli and that it maintains the tradition of receiving icazet documents from this dergah, is important as an indicator of the hierarchy between ocaks. The connection of the dede system, usually thought to be passed on from father to son, with the past also appears in another example. Icazetname in question is an important document for us to understand the character of the period because it was written in Ottoman Turkish in the 19th century in a clear and understandable language.13. yüzyılda Hacı Bektaş Veli ile Anadolu’ya gelen erenlerden Seyit Hasan Gazi, Koçu Baba olarak da tanınmaktadır. Velâyetnâme kaynaklarındaki bilgilerde; Abdal Musa ile Mehemmed Abdal’ın babası olarak geçmektedir. Aynı zamanda Hacı Bektaş Veli’nin de amcası Seyit Haydar Gazi’nin oğlu olduğu için aralarında akrabalık bağı vardır. Bu velilerin ataları olan yedinci İmam Musa Kâzım’ın oğlu İbrahim Mükerrem Mücâb’dan soy aracılığıyla Hz. Muhammed’e bağlandıkları ve bundan dolayı seyitlik özelliği kazandıkları kabul edilmektedir. Günümüzde Kırıkkale’nin Balışeyh ilçesine bağlı olan Koçubaba köyünde Koçu Baba’nın ziyaretgâhı yer almaktadır. Anadolu Alevi ocaklarından biri olan Koçu Baba Ocağı’nda ve diğer ocaklarda da görülen seyitlerin mürşit olarak taliplerini irşat etmek amacıyla devam ettirdikleri Hakk’a bağlılık esaslı yapı, Alevi-Bektaşi inanç sistemi içinde son derece önemlidir. Böylece bu sistemin gerektirdiği “dedelik” makamı için ocağın bağlı olduğu mürşitlerin onayıyla seçilen seyitlerin icâzetnâme adı verilen “onay, izin belgeleri” ile dedelik yaptıkları bilinen bir gelenektir. Araştırmamızda incelenecek olan belge, Koçu Baba Ocağı’na ait olan bir icâzetnâmedir. Alevi-Bektaşi araştırmalarından hareketle 11. yüzyıldan itibaren başladığı düşünülen icâzetnâme geleneğinin mürşit ocak tarafından kendisine bağlı olan ocaklara verildiği bilinmektedir. İcâzetnâme türü; bulunduğu dönem içinde mürşit seçilen dede sıralaması ve mürşitlerin hangi ocağa bağlı olduklarının belirlenmesi bakımından da önem arz etmektedir. Koçu Baba Ocağı’nın Hacı Bektaş Veli Dergâhı’na bağlı bir ocak olması ve burada yer alan postnişinlerden icâzet alma geleneğini sürdürmesi ile ilgili bilgiler; ocaklar arası hiyerarşinin bir göstergesi olarak da önemlidir. Genelde babadan oğula aktarım olarak düşünülen dedelik özelliğinin geçmişe uzantısı bir örnekle daha karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Söz konusu icâzetnâme, 19. yüzyılda Osmanlı Türkçesi ile yazılmış olup açık ve anlaşılır bir dille kaleme alındığı için dönemin üslubunu anlayabilmemiz açısından önemli bir belge niteliğindedir
Hacı Baba İbn İbrahim Et-Tusuti’nin Hulasatü’l-İrab fi Şerhi’l-Misbah name eserinal foundations
No full textBu çalışma, XV. yüzyılda yaşamış Osmanlı nahiv âlimlerinden biri olan Hacı Baba b. Şeyh b. İbrahim b. Abdülkerim b. Osman et-Tusutî (ö. 871 / 1476)’nın, meşhur nahiv âlimlerinden Mutarrizî’nin, gramer kitabı olan “el-Misbâh”ın üzerine yazmış olduğu “Hulasatü’l-İrab fi Şerhi’l-Misbâh” isimli eserin tahkiki ve tahlilidir. Tertip bakımından Mutarrizî’nin “el-Misbâh” kitabına benzeyen fakat hacim bakımından ondan daha büyük olan bu eserde et-Tusutî, Arap dilinin en önemli unsurlarından birisi olan “irab” konusunu ön plana çıkartmaktadır. Tahkikini yaptığımız bu eserde müellif, âlimlerin özel bir ilgi gösterdikleri irabın sözlük veistilâhi anlamı ile irabın kısımları gibi detaylı bilgiler vermekte ve geniş izahlar yapmaktadır. Bu izahlar arasında; gerek dil ve gerekse nahiv kitaplarında geniş bir şekilde ele alınan “murab”, “hareke”, “aslî ve gayri aslî irab”, “sarih ve gayr-i sarih irab” gibi kavramların izahı önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Müellifin bu eserinde ele aldığı bir diğer husus ise “avâmil” dir. “avâmilolmadan Arapçanın inceliklerini anlamak mümkün değildir. Söz konusu avâmilin nevileri, “lafzî” ve “mânevî” olmak üzere iki türlüdür. Çalışmamızda görüleceği üzere lafzî avâmil, “kıyâsî” ve “semâi” olmak üzere iki kısımdan oluşmaktadır. Müellif, söz konusu eserinde avâmillere büyük önem vermiş ve eserinin üç babını onlara ayırmıştır. Bu tahkik çalışmamızda biz; ilmî kriterlere uygun bir sekilde Arap dilinin temeli olan “irab” ve “avâmil” konularını ele alarak onları tahlil etmeye çalıştık. Bu çalışmadaki amacımız, el yazması olarak kütüphane raflarında duran “Hulasatü’lİrab fi Şerhi’l-Misbâh”ı buradan çıkarıp okuyucuların istifadesine sunmak ve bilim dünyasına tanıtmaktır.abstractThis work was supported by XV. One of the Ottoman nahiv scholars who lived in the century, Hacı Baba b. Sheikh B. Ibrahim b. Abdülkerim b. It is known that Osman et al-Tosyevi (d. 871/1476) wrote on the grammar book "al-Misbah" in the well-known nahiv scholars of the Mutarrizs as the "Hulasaut'l-irab fi Şerhi'l- Misbah" It is nalyzed. İn this work, which resembles the book "al-Misbah" of the Mutarrizî in terms of composition, but bigger in volume than it, et-Tusutî brings the subject of "irab", one of the most important elements of Arabic language. In this work we haveexamined, the author gives detailed information such as the dictionary and the meaning of the irab of the iris to which the scholars show a special interest and parts of the irab, and makes extensive explanations. Among these explanations; Theexplanations of the concepts such as "murab", "hareke", "primary and informal iris","explicit and informal iris" which are widely discussed in the language and nahivbooks are important. Another issue that the author deals with in his work is "avamil". "It is not possible to understand the subtleties of the Arabic without “avamil”. In other words, avamil kinds, "lafzî" and “mânevî” are two kinds. As will be seen in our work, the lafzî avâmil consists of two parts: "kıyâsî" and "semâi". The author has given great importance to the folklore in his work and he even particularize three chapters to it in his book. In our investigation, we; We tried to analyze them by considering the "irab" and "avamil" which are based on the Arabic language in a secu- rity according to scientific criteria. Our aim in this study is to take out "Hulasat al-İrab fi Şerhi'l- Misbah" which is standing on the shelves of the library as a manuscript and introduse it to the reader and world
Afanim Tula A Yirim O (The Tijaniya Malams Have Gone on Demonstration)
No full textThe entire manuscript is available for download as a PDF file(s). Higher-resolution images are unavailable. Fieldwork Team: Karl J. Haas, PhD (Pricipal Investigator; Visiting Researcher, African Studies Center), Saeed Alhassan Dawuni (Field Researcher), and Fuseini Abdul-Fataw (Field Researcher). Technical Team: Professor Fallou Ngom (Project Director and former Director of the African Studies Center at Boston University), Eleni Castro (OpenBU Librarian, Boston University Libraries), and Eric J. Schmidt (Assistant Director, African Studies Center). This collection of Dagbanli Ajami materials is copied as part of the African Studies Center’s African Ajami Library. This project is partly funded by the BU African Studies Center and Middlebury College. Access Condition and Copyright: These materials are subject to copyright. Access is for research and educational purposes only, provided the original author and source are fully cited using the information below. For use, distribution or reproduction beyond these terms, contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]). Citation: Materials in this web edition should be cited as: Haas, Karl J., Dawuni, Saeed Alhassan, Abdul-Fatawu, Fuseini, Ngom, Fallou, Castro, Eleni & Schmidt, Eric J. (2019). African Ajami Library: Digital Preservation of Dagbanli Ajami and Arabic Manuscripts of Northern Ghana. Boston: Boston University Libraries: http://hdl.handle.net/2144/32937. For Inquiries: please contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]). For technical assistance, please contact [email protected] / Custodial history: The manuscript's owner was given a copy of the manuscript from a man named Afa Mohammed, who had been a student of Afa Ajura. Afa Mohammed was a teacher at the Anbariya Islamic Institute, established by Afa Ajura, and taught Baba Isshak how to sing Afa Ajura's songs. Afa Mohammed maintained a house in the Agric neighborhood in the northern part of Tamale, which is adjacent to the the Anbariya school.Consists of 74 lines of verse. The piece addresses the malams who have gone to follow Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse and joined the Tijaniyya community. Afa Ajura condemns the practices of the Tijaniyya followers, and specifically rebukes those members of his own Sunni community who have left him to follow Sheikh Ibrahim Niasse.The contents of this collection were developed with support of the Title VI National Resource Center grant # P015A180164 from the U.S. Department of Education. However, those contents do not necessarily represent the policy of the U.S. Department of Education, and you should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government
Muhammad is the Messenger of God, may God bless him and grant him peace: In the divine books
No full textThrough the preparation of our research, we were able to show many and abundant results and we cannot return them, but to make it easier for the dear reader, we talk to you about a summary of it in the following points: We divided our research into two topics: The first topic: Muhammad is the Messenger of God in the Torah and the Bible and the Qur'an, and this title contains three demands, and the second topic: Muhammad is the Messenger of God in the semi-celestial books: the Kazanpura and the sacred books of Hinduism and Avista, as well as this topic as its predecessor contains three demands. It is worth noting: We brought in the three demands the texts of these heavenly books towards our Messenger Muhammad - may God’s prayers and peace be upon him - that negate the suspicion, and which we like that the texts of these books are very close to the Seal of the Prophets and the Messenger - peace be upon them. • The noble reader warned us that the texts of the Torah and the Gospel have been subjected to distortion from two aspects: the first: deleting some texts altogether, and the second: distorting its meaning and carrying it to another meaning. • Also, in the three demands of the second topic, we brought the texts of Kaspara, Avista, and the sacred books of Hinduism towards the Messenger - may God bless him and grant him peace - and we learned from those texts that these three religions are concerned with the Prophet of Islam and his Messenger, our master Muhammad - may God bless him and grant him peace - and consider it with consideration. • And we named the second topic: Muhammad, the Messenger of God, in the semi-heavenly books: Kazanbara and the sacred books of Hinduism, for the sake of the fact that those books were not descended from God Almighty and on this view the masses of Muslim scholars went almost to reach an agreement
Astrology in literature: how the prohibited became permissible in the Arabic poetry of the mediaeval period
No full textThis thesis is concerned to position the art of astrology within the context of classical Arabic poetry, primarily by investigating and elucidating attitudes to the notion of
qadar (fate) and the ideology in which it was embedded. These attitudes were revelatory of the broader world view of the Arabs of those periods, and their shifts from those held in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic eras tell us a good deal about the importance given to the nature and role of fate and about the various understandings of its influence. The pre-Islamic Arab's notion of qadar was in some ways similar to that of the early Muslims: both emphasised predetermination and the irresistible power of fate. But while the jahilf (Pre-Islamic) Arabs identified fate with the malign power of dahr (Time), the Muslims believed the power of fate lies in the hands of God the
Omnipotent, who alone is responsible for the fate of the whole universe. Thus the astrology of the pre-Islamic era was one aspect of divination (kihana) and claimed to be
able to reveal in advance an individual's destiny, which could be avoided by taking certain precautions. These precautions, however, were considered effective only in
relatively trivial cases; they were useless in the areas of major impact: a person's happiness or misery (shaqiiwa aw sa ada), sustenance (rizq) and one's term (ajal), the
three inevitable and irresistible manifestations of fate. In the Islamic period not only these major aspects of life are governed and controlled by the Omnipotent; the destiny
of the universe, in even its most minute details, is determined and controlled by God alone. Astrology was considered to be of no value whatsoever, and its practitioners were subject to the death penalty. These two irreconcilable views are evident in early Islamic poetry, which reflected clearly the response of poets, and society, to astrology from the perspective of qadar.
When the orthodox caliphate was replaced by dynastic rule the status of astrology was changed dramatically. The idea that the stars, as indicators, play a role in the life of
human beings found popowerful supporters in some governors of the Islamic world, who allowed astrology to fulfil a public function regardless of the hostility of the official
religion of that society. This social phenomenon generated rich material of a controversial character in the realm of literature. Investigating the factors, motivations
and impact of mediaeval political, theological and philosophical attitudes to astrology, in relation to the notions of free will and predestination, is the concern of this study
Ngun Kam Ngma Ziri A Sheehu, Cheli O (Any person who tells lies for your Leader, you should leave him)
No full textThe entire manuscript is available for download as a PDF file(s). Higher-resolution images are unavailable. Fieldwork Team: Karl J. Haas, PhD (Pricipal Investigator; Visiting Researcher, African Studies Center), Saeed Alhassan Dawuni (Field Researcher), and Fuseini Abdul-Fataw (Field Researcher). Technical Team: Professor Fallou Ngom (Project Director and former Director of the African Studies Center at Boston University), Eleni Castro (OpenBU Librarian, Boston University Libraries), and Eric J. Schmidt (Assistant Director, African Studies Center). This collection of Dagbanli Ajami materials is copied as part of the African Studies Center’s African Ajami Library. This project is partly funded by the BU African Studies Center and Middlebury College. Access Condition and Copyright: These materials are subject to copyright. Access is for research and educational purposes only, provided the original author and source are fully cited using the information below. For use, distribution or reproduction beyond these terms, contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]). Citation: Materials in this web edition should be cited as: Haas, Karl J., Dawuni, Saeed Alhassan, Abdul-Fatawu, Fuseini, Ngom, Fallou, Castro, Eleni & Schmidt, Eric J. (2019). African Ajami Library: Digital Preservation of Dagbanli Ajami and Arabic Manuscripts of Northern Ghana. Boston: Boston University Libraries: http://hdl.handle.net/2144/32937. For Inquiries: please contact Professor Fallou Ngom ([email protected]). For technical assistance, please contact [email protected] / Custodial history: The manuscript's owner was given a copy of the manuscript from a man named Afa Mohammed, who had been a student of Afa Ajura. Afa Mohammed was a teacher at the Anbariya Islamic Institute, established by Afa Ajura, and taught Baba Isshak how to sing Afa Ajura's songs. Afa Mohammed maintained a house in the Agric neighborhood in the northern part of Tamale, which is adjacent to the the Anbariya school.This song, written sometime in the 1950s, is directed toward members of the Tijaniyya community. The author alleges that they observe a number of practices not specifically sanctioned by the Qur’an, including the practice of devotional songs in mosques after prayers. When questioned why Tijaniyya followers did these things, they would reply that it was their leader, Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse, whom they called Shehu, who told them to do these things. Afa Ajura's message to them was that they should not blindly follow the words of their leader, but rather go to the Qur’an for guidance.The contents of this collection were developed with support of the Title VI National Resource Center grant # P015A180164 from the U.S. Department of Education. However, those contents do not necessarily represent the policy of the U.S. Department of Education, and you should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government
Tafsir al-Khazin 4: al-Musamma Li Baba at-Ta wil Fi Ma ani at-Tartil/ Ala ad-Din Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Baghdadi
No full text432 hal.; 28 cm
Tafsir al-Khazin 2: al-Musamma Li Baba at-Ta wil Fi Ma ani at-Tartil/ Ala ad-Din Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Baghdadi
No full text350 hal.; 28 cm
Tafsir al-Khazin 3: al-Musamma Li Baba at-Ta wil Fi Ma ani at-Tartil/ Ala ad-Din Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Baghdadi
No full text503 hal.; 28 cm
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