10 research outputs found
Non-intimate femicide: A scoping review protocol
No full textThis document presents the pre-registration of the scoping review protocol for the study 'Concepts and definitions of non-intimate femicide: A scoping review'
Non-intimate femicide: A scoping review protocol
No full textThis document presents the pre-registration of the scoping review protocol for the study 'Concepts and definitions of non-intimate femicide: A scoping review'
How priority ordering of offence codes undercounts gendered violence: An analysis of the Crime Survey for England and Wales
No full textThe Offence Classification System (OCS) of the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) applies a priority order of offences that undercounts violence. By prioritising burglary and criminal damage above some types of assault, physical violence that co-occurs with property crimes is discounted from official counts of incidents and victims of violence. Analysing CSEW data from 2010/11 to 2019/20, we find the OCS omits approximately 210,000 incidents of violence every year. Out of these incidents, 51 per cent are domestic violence against women, contributing further evidence to the CSEW’s gendered data gap. Socioeconomically disadvantaged victims are also disproportionately undercounted. Whilst prior research has highlighted the undercounting of violence prevalence and repetition in the CSEW, the OCS undercounts the concurrency of violence
Perpetrators of domestic abuse against older adults – a rapid evidence assessment
No full textThis rapid review examines the existing, published research on the demographic and health characteristics, and the offending behaviours and histories of perpetrators of domestic violence and abuse against adults aged 60 and over. Using a systematic methodology, searches were conducted in five databases: MEDLINE Complete, APA PsychInfo, CINAHL Complete, SociINDEX with Full Text, Criminal Justice Abstracts with Full Text, and Web of Science (Core Collection), resulting in 75 papers being included in the review. Much of the available evidence comes from the elder abuse field, with few specific domestic abuse studies. The review found that non-intimate partners, that is (adult) children or other family members, are the most frequently reported perpetrator group. Most perpetrators tend to be male, and, where information is available, poor health, and drug and alcohol problems are often reported. We conclude that we need to build more evidence on perpetrators of domestic violence and abuse using a wider methodology, which should be situated within the conceptual lens of domestic abuse, and that policy and practice should urgently review whether existing risk assessment tools and perpetrator programmes are suitable given most domestic abuse of older adults is perpetrated by younger sons, daughters or other family members
Domestic abuse in later life: A secondary analysis of the Crime Survey for England and Wales
No full textUntil recently, older victims – and perpetrators – of domestic abuse were largely absent from both research and policy, leaving a lacuna of empirical and theoretical understandings of abuse in later life. This article presents the findings from the first study to use Crime Survey for England and Wales data on older adults to explore prevalence and risk factors for domestic abuse against adults aged 60–74 years old and, separately, adults aged 16–59 years. We find that risk factors for abuse are similar across the life course. In particular, socio-economic disadvantage, poor health and disability, and victim sex are constant correlates for victimisation, regardless of age. However, there are some important differences in the risk factors for partner and non-partner abuse in later life. Consistent with previous research involving all ages, we found that women were significantly more likely to be victimised by a partner than men (almost three times more likely in our study). However, when looking at abuse by non-partner family members, there was no statistically significant difference between the risk of victimisation for men and women. In other words, partner abuse disproportionately affects older women, but men and women are equally at risk of non-partner abuse. We propose that a move towards life course theories for understanding domestic abuse is required
Physical and emotional impacts of intimate partner violence and abuse: Distinctions by relationship status and offence type
No full textPurpose
Intimate partner violence and abuse has a detrimental impact on victim-survivors’ health and wellbeing. However, intimate partners include a range of different relationship types, which are rarely differentiated or contrasted in research. Here, we investigate whether different types of intimate partners commit different types of violence/abuse and whether the injury and wellbeing impact on victim-survivors varies by intimate partner relationship type.
Methods
We estimate models for victim-survivors’ emotional impact and injuries using the Crime Survey for England and Wales (2001-2020). Intimate partner relationships are differentiated into four groups (current versus former partner, and spouses/partners versus boy/girlfriends). Violence and abuse are grouped into physical violence/abuse, sexual violence/abuse, threats, and economic crimes.
Results
For both men and women, offences committed by current partners are more likely to involve physical violence/abuse than offences by former partners. Ordered logit models indicate that female victim-survivors of physical violence/abuse or economic crimes experience more severe emotional impacts when the perpetrator is their current or former spouse/partner compared to a current or former boy/girlfriend. Women’s risk of injuries from physical violence and economic offences are higher when committed by current compared to former partners. Few differences are identified for men’s emotional impact and injuries.
Conclusion
The type of intimate partner relationship is associated with type of violence/abuse experienced, and for women, with the resulting emotional impact and injury. Future research and policies aimed at reducing harms from intimate partner violence and abuse and supporting victim-survivors should therefore consider distinctions in relationships to deliver more targeted interventions
Definition and measurement of violence in the Crime Survey for England and Wales : Implications for the amount and gendering of violence
No full textThe definitions and the methodology used in surveys to measure violence have implications for its estimated volume and gendered distribution. The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) uses quite a narrow definition of ‘violence against the person’ which excludes crimes which are arguably violent in nature. This paper expands the CSEW’s measurement of violence by regarding threats,robbery, sexual violence, and mixed violence/property crimes as violence. This results in the shift of the gender distribution of violence, with a higher proportion of violence against women (from 39% to 58%) and by domestic perpetrators (from 29% to 32%). Impacts of violence (injuries and emotional harm) are also affected by the change in definition and disproportionally so for women
Eesti erakondade ideoloogilised profiilid ning nende arvestamine valimisreklaamis
No full textIdeological profiles of Estonian parties and their reflection in electoral advertisements
The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to analyse the ideological profiles of six Estonian
political parties belonging to the XI Composition of the Riigikogu and see how they were
reflected in electoral advertisements. This study is based on the example of the 2011 Estonian
parliamentary election campaign. First, it needed to be clarified how the parties themselves
see their profile and how it is described by independent experts. In order to do that, interviews
were conducted with independent political experts and the parties’ campaign coordinators. In
addition, the author studied the slogans in election ads and visual idiosyncrasies to see how
they reflected the ideological views of the party.
The ideological views of political parties can be positioned on the basis of certain
characteristics on a left-right ideological spectrum, which enables to identify the ideological
profile of a party. The main difference between left- and right-wing parties is that the first are
in favour of the state playing a greater role in organising people’s lives while the latter prefer
to minimize its influence.
There are several characteristics to make a distinction between left- and right-wing
ideological profiles and some party profiles encompass features from both directions. On the
basis of the study, it could be maintained that the parties of the previous (XI) Composition of
the Riigikogu are more or less located around the centre of the political continuum. None of
them is extremely radical; however, the ideological profiles of a number of parties might also
entail characteristics rather far from the centre.
The wider purpose of the current empirical study was to understand and describe the political
landscape in Estonia, which was also achieved. The ideological characteristics of the political
parties were identified along with their relation to the development of the parties’ ideological
profiles.
Furthermore, it could be concluded from the study that ideological standpoints also occur in
campaign advertising, since the slogans present the electorate with the parties’ political
postures, which in a broader perspective are associated with their ideological views as a
system of certain ideas, rules and values. Nevertheless, whether these ideological profiles as
understood by the voters coincide with the parties’ own perception of themselves is an issue
in itself.
The interviews conducted with independent political experts shed light to the fact that the
marketing side of the election campaigns is strongly associated with the way the parties
represent their ideological standpoints. In fact, political parties are not always able to act
according to the ideological views presented in the campaigns. For example, a people’s party,
whose main aim is to obtain as many votes as possible, cannot express very radical and
controversial beliefs in public without risking to lose votes, even though these beliefs may be
in accordance with the ideology that the party is supposed to represent.
The current situation in the society also has an influence on the parties’ ideological profiles.
According to campaign coordinators, the initial ideological views form the core in developing
the campaign, but this is not the main and only feature. The content of the campaign and
election ads is to a great extent influenced by on-going processes in the society and by the
target market. These are the three parameters shaping the parties’ ideological profile when
creating an election campaign. For example, the election campaign coordinator of The
Estonian Reform Party admitted that compared to the time before the economic crisis the
right-wing profile of the party concerning social issues had indeed shifted a little to the left
before the previous elections.
It is difficult to say whether people understand on the basis of political advertising the exact
ideological view they support in the elections. While the parties’ political experts believe that
election ads give a true account of their core ideology, the current study allows us to conclude
that the advertising of some parties is more elaborate on those terms while in the case of
others ideological profiles remain vaguer. In addition, each party holds certain unconditional
convictions. For example, The Estonian Reform Party, presenting itself as a liberal party,
prioritizes fostering free market economy and the neo-liberal belief in self-regulating markets.
The unswerving course of the Union of Pro Patria and Respublica is promoting nationalconservative
views, where every political standpoint is explained through the aim of
maintaining the Estonian nation.
The slogans of parties very often entail characteristics from both sides of the political
spectrum. However, the current study indicates that in the decision-making process, voters
tend to be leaded by the core ideological characteristics as identified by the parties themselves,
and the slight ideological shifts conditioned by the current situation tend to be ignored. The
main reason for this is that Estonian political culture is in the ideological phase: the keywords
of ideologies and values of the society have already been developed; nevertheless, the
influence of the Soviet past on Estonian political culture is still evident. It is natural that party profiles cannot yet have reached the critical-rational phase, be clear and unambiguous and
take long-term political practices into account.
In conclusion, the present bachelor thesis helps to dissect the ideological profiles of the key
parties in the political landscape of Estonia and understand the role of those profiles in
election advertising. Consequently, the author is of the opinion that initially established goals
have been achieved.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4054526~S1*es
Definition and Measurement of Violence in the Crime Survey for England and Wales: Implications for the Amount and Gendering of Violence
No full textThe definitions and the methodology used in surveys to measure violence have implications for its estimated volume and gendered distribution. The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) uses quite a narrow definition of ‘violence against the person’ which excludes crimes which are arguably violent in nature. This article expands the CSEW’s measurement of violence by regarding threats, robbery, sexual violence and mixed violence/property crimes as violence. This results in a shift in the gender distribution of violence, with a higher proportion of violence against women (from 39% to 58%) and by domestic perpetrators (from 29% to 32%). Impacts of violence (injuries and emotional harm) are also affected by the change in definition and disproportionally so for women
Study on the economic, social and human costs of trafficking in human beings within the EU
No full textThe purpose of the Study is to measure the cost of trafficking in human beings in the European Union. Trafficking in human beings is a particularly serious crime, driven by profits and involves a chain of actors who are knowingly or unknowingly involved. “It brings high profits to the perpetrators, who abuse people’s vulnerabilities and exploit the demand for the services provided by the victims. It results in long-term harm to its victims, our societies and economies.” It is a violation of fundamental rights that causes immense harm to the victims. It has economic, social and human costs. The existence of trafficking in human beings is a cost to the wider economy and society by creating need for public services, in diverting resources away from the legal economy, and in its effects on the quality of life. Measuring the cost of trafficking in human beings in a monetary form is done in order to improve the quality of decision-making where cost-benefit analysis is relevant to decisions over the allocation of public resources. Translating trafficking in human beings into a cost is relevant to public policy concerning developing the European area of freedom, security and justice, and the Single European Market. This Study is a key Commission action to build a sound knowledge base for the 2017 Commission Communication “Reporting on the follow up to the EU Strategy towards the eradication of trafficking in human beings and identifying further concrete actions” and the EU Anti-trafficking Directive
