4 research outputs found
Perceived Happiness Towards TV Programs (Case Study: Two Villages in Hmawbi Township) ( May Thingyan, 2025)
No full textTelevision has become source of entertainment and information, shaping
individuals’ perceptions and emotional well-being.. The objectives are to identify the
types of TV programs most commonly watched by residents of Htain Swun and
Pannaekone villages and to explore residents’ perceptions of their happiness in relation
to their TV viewing experiences. This study employs a descriptive analysis method to
examine the relationship between residents’ exposure to TV programs and their
perceived happiness in Htain Swun and Pannaekone villages. Utilizing quantitative
survey, data were collected from 300 residents using stratified random sampling, 150
from each village. The findings show that residents perceive TV programs from popular
channels as key contributors to their happiness and emotional well-being, fostering
community spirit and stress relief. Viewers find that TV programs promote social
virtues such as honesty, kindness, and cooperation, which can enhance community
cohesion and personal happiness. Participants generally view TV content as culturally
respectful and socially beneficial, promoting virtues and strengthening family and
community cohesion. TV programs are seen as vital for cultural preservation, relaxation,
and emotional support, positively influencing residents' happiness and cultural identity.
The residents’ TV viewing habits, including channel preferences and timing, are closely
linked to their emotional well-being and overall satisfaction
Progress Threatened; Resilience Tested
No full textIn February 2021 the military assumed
power in Myanmar, setting back the country’s democratic
transition, and immediately impacting an economy that had
already been weakened by Coronavirus disease 2019
(COVID-19). While the initial economic impacts of the coup
were extremely severe, in May and June there were early
signs that constraints were easing in some areas. Mobility
at retail and transport venues improved after the Thingyan
holiday in April, and there were reports that factory
workers, bank staff, and some public servants had returned
to work. Several international apparel buyers resumed
placing new orders with garment manufacturers, and logistics
bottlenecks eased. Amid substantial uncertainty around the
magnitude and duration of recent economic shocks, there are
large risks associated with these projections. Relatively
severe economic impacts already appear to have persisted for
longer than what was assumed even in March, when the authors
projected a 10 percent contraction in gross domestic product
(GDP) in FY21. The third wave of COVID-19 will have
substantial additional economic impacts in the September
quarter, although the magnitude of these impacts will depend
on how the outbreak evolves. Since February the environment
for doing business has worsened considerably, impacting
productivity across the economy as scarce resources are
allocated toward dealing with supply-side constraints. Lost
months of education at school and university are of critical
concern, including because of the longer-term implications
for the accumulation of human capital and productive
capacity. With these fundamental drivers of long-term growth
at risk, there are already early signs of increased
dependence on extractive and or illicit activities, and a
return to the inward-looking policies that have
characterized much of Myanmar’s history
上ビルマの一農村における年中儀礼と二元性
No full textThe present paper is intended to describe the annual-cycle ceremonies or rituals
of mixed-cr p village in Sagaing Township of Upper Burma, 19 miles to the west of
Mandalay. The study is based on the analysis of the field data which the author had
the opportunity to collect during his stay in 1979-80, through observations and interviews. The object of the study is to present a tentative explanations of the characteristic features of Buddhism and
Nat-worship, with their differences, their relevancy to socio-cultural factors, their standing in the Burmese concept of culture.
The following are the findings of the present study.(1) The purpose of Buddhist rituals is to make merits individually and anyone
can participate in them in any from. Coupled with the Buddhist teaching of equalism,
this makes the rituals 'open'. It enables anyone to extend and solidify ego-centered
personal relationships, the network of which sustains a common ritual 'group', although
it could also lead to the unstability of the 'group'. In this sense, it could be said, Buddhist rituals have secular meanings and are 'public'.(2) Households and villages have their own guardian nat and their own ritual. One's related (saing) nat is inherited from his ancestors through cognatic descent. In
this sense nat-rituals are 'closed' in terms of locality and kinship. Nat-worship is
exclusive, individualistic and 'private' in nature, which leads to the lack of social relationship among common nat-believers. Village nat-rituals are very simple compared
with Buddhist rituals which are sometimes accompanied with feast and amusements.(3) Since women must make more merits than men because of their religious
inferiority, more women participate in the Buddhist rituals than men. In addition,
men must not be concerned with nat-rituals, since nat is considered to be inferior to men by the villagers. This is in charge of female members. As a consequence, women
play an active part both in Buddhist rituals and nat-rituals. This, however, does not
mean the matrifocality in the religious or ritual field or in the social structure, due
to the existence of the premise of ritual inferiority of women.(4) Buddhist monks are ontologically superior to laymen, and, like Buddha, belongs to the 'sacred'. They are not specialists or the agents of rituals, but the object of worship. Nat-kadaw (nat-wife), on the oter hand, is a medium with some supernatural powers, although her status is unofficial and she is somewhat suspected by male members.(5) Some nat-rituals are agricultural rituals, but agricultual ones are not so conspicuous in the annual-cycle ceremonies. This is because major rituals are Buddhist
ones, in which wishes are dissolved into the abstract concept of merit and the seasonal
elements are lacking. Some Buddhist rituals such as Kahtein and Htamane-pwe, are
originally agricultural ones (but today it has no overt association with agricultural
ones).(6) In course of a year, there are two major turning points, Thingyan and light
festivals, which have some rituals similar to each other. Each of these two festivals
precedes an ecological season: one precedes a rainy season, the other a dry season. The
rainy season is characterized as Wa, a religious period, while the dry season is featured by secular activities. In this sense the two seasons represent Buddhist concepts of the binary opposition of the sacred and the profane, symbolized by water and fire.(7) The Buddhist rituals are typical features of the rainy season while nat-tin, or nat offerings, are features of the dry season, especially of Tabaung month. In planning a house, Buddhist shrines are located in the east of the house, in the direction of water-stand, which is 'open' and 'public' in character, as is mentioned in (1). Hearths, which are 'closed' and 'private' in character, as is mentioned in (2), are placed in the west of the house, in which offerings are made to nat. Here lies the symbolic dualism of water/fire, east/west, 'open'/'closed' and Buddhism/Nat-worship. This dualism leads to a parade of dual items, such as living/dead, fertile/barren, wet/dry, cool/hot, fortune/misfortune, superior/inferior, man/woman and right/left. These have
been developed from the binary opposition of Buddhism and Nat-worship
Annual-cycle ceremonies and dualism in one village in Upper Burma
No full textThe present paper is intended to describe the annual-cycle ceremonies or rituals
of mixed-cr p village in Sagaing Township of Upper Burma, 19 miles to the west of
Mandalay. The study is based on the analysis of the field data which the author had
the opportunity to collect during his stay in 1979-80, through observations and interviews. The object of the study is to present a tentative explanations of the characteristic features of Buddhism and
Nat-worship, with their differences, their relevancy to socio-cultural factors, their standing in the Burmese concept of culture.
The following are the findings of the present study.(1) The purpose of Buddhist rituals is to make merits individually and anyone
can participate in them in any from. Coupled with the Buddhist teaching of equalism,
this makes the rituals 'open'. It enables anyone to extend and solidify ego-centered
personal relationships, the network of which sustains a common ritual 'group', although
it could also lead to the unstability of the 'group'. In this sense, it could be said, Buddhist rituals have secular meanings and are 'public'.(2) Households and villages have their own guardian nat and their own ritual. One's related (saing) nat is inherited from his ancestors through cognatic descent. In
this sense nat-rituals are 'closed' in terms of locality and kinship. Nat-worship is
exclusive, individualistic and 'private' in nature, which leads to the lack of social relationship among common nat-believers. Village nat-rituals are very simple compared
with Buddhist rituals which are sometimes accompanied with feast and amusements.(3) Since women must make more merits than men because of their religious
inferiority, more women participate in the Buddhist rituals than men. In addition,
men must not be concerned with nat-rituals, since nat is considered to be inferior to men by the villagers. This is in charge of female members. As a consequence, women
play an active part both in Buddhist rituals and nat-rituals. This, however, does not
mean the matrifocality in the religious or ritual field or in the social structure, due
to the existence of the premise of ritual inferiority of women.(4) Buddhist monks are ontologically superior to laymen, and, like Buddha, belongs to the 'sacred'. They are not specialists or the agents of rituals, but the object of worship. Nat-kadaw (nat-wife), on the oter hand, is a medium with some supernatural powers, although her status is unofficial and she is somewhat suspected by male members.(5) Some nat-rituals are agricultural rituals, but agricultual ones are not so conspicuous in the annual-cycle ceremonies. This is because major rituals are Buddhist
ones, in which wishes are dissolved into the abstract concept of merit and the seasonal
elements are lacking. Some Buddhist rituals such as Kahtein and Htamane-pwe, are
originally agricultural ones (but today it has no overt association with agricultural
ones).(6) In course of a year, there are two major turning points, Thingyan and light
festivals, which have some rituals similar to each other. Each of these two festivals
precedes an ecological season: one precedes a rainy season, the other a dry season. The
rainy season is characterized as Wa, a religious period, while the dry season is featured by secular activities. In this sense the two seasons represent Buddhist concepts of the binary opposition of the sacred and the profane, symbolized by water and fire.(7) The Buddhist rituals are typical features of the rainy season while nat-tin, or nat offerings, are features of the dry season, especially of Tabaung month. In planning a house, Buddhist shrines are located in the east of the house, in the direction of water-stand, which is 'open' and 'public' in character, as is mentioned in (1). Hearths, which are 'closed' and 'private' in character, as is mentioned in (2), are placed in the west of the house, in which offerings are made to nat. Here lies the symbolic dualism of water/fire, east/west, 'open'/'closed' and Buddhism/Nat-worship. This dualism leads to a parade of dual items, such as living/dead, fertile/barren, wet/dry, cool/hot, fortune/misfortune, superior/inferior, man/woman and right/left. These have
been developed from the binary opposition of Buddhism and Nat-worship
