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Replication Data for: The Influence Gap: Unequal Policy Responsiveness to Men and Women
No full textPrevious version: "Gender, Economic Inequality, and Political Power".
Abstract: Despite decades of research on women’s representation, we still know surprisingly little about the extent to which public policy responds unequally to the preferences of women and men. This article exploits two comparable datasets, one for the United States and one for Norway, together containing measures of gender-disaggregated public opinion, as well as public policy outcomes, on 2,650 specific proposals asked about in survey polls between 1964 and 2014. The data reveal a substantial gap in policy responsiveness to men and women (in favor of men) in both countries. However, in Norway, the gender-gap has virtually disappeared over time, a development that appears to be attributable to the increasing share of women in parliament. In the US, the gap has remained remarkably stable over time
Replication Data for: Affluence and Influence in a Social Democracy
No full textThis archive contains the data and code to reproduce the analyses reported on in the main text and appendix of the article
Replication Data for: Taxing the 1 percent: Public opinion vs. public policy
No full textRecent studies suggest that public policy in established democracies mostly caters to the interests of the rich and ignores the average citizen when their preferences diverge. I argue that high-income taxation has become a clear illustration of this pattern, and I test the proposition on a least likely case: Norway. I asked Norwegians to design their preferred tax rate structure, and subsequently matched their answers with registry data on what people at different incomes actually pay in tax. I find that within the top 1 percent, tax rates are far below (as much as 23 percentage points) from where citizens want them to be. A follow-up survey showed that this divergence is entirely driven by capital incomes being taxed too low. My results suggest that even in a fairly egalitarian society like Norway, the rich get away with paying considerably less in tax than what people deem fair
Economic Inequality and Political Power in Norway
Full text linkSå lenge demokratiske styreformer har eksistert har folk diskutert om økonomisk ulikhet undergraver det demokratiske idealet om politisk likhet. Har borgere med vidt forskjellige økonomiske ressurser i virkeligheten lik innflytelse på myndighetene? Tidligere forskning fra USA og Europa tyder på at svaret er nei: velstående borgere ser ut til å ha betydelig mer politisk innflytelse enn gjennomsnittsborgeren og de fattige.
I denne avhandlingen studerer jeg forholdet mellom økonomisk ulikhet og politisk makt i Norge. Norge er interessant i denne forbindelse fordi det regnes som et av de mest velfungerende demokratiene i verden. I tillegg, sammenlignet med andre land, har Norge lave nivåer av økonomisk ulikhet, sterke fagforeninger og viktige institusjoner som begrenser innflytelsen til økonomiske eliter. Hvis det er mulig i et moderne kapitalistisk samfunn for rik og fattig å ha mer eller mindre lik innflytelse på myndighetene, så er Norge et av stedene vi burde observere dette. Avhandlingen består av de følgende tre artiklene:
I Artikkel 1 (Velstand og innflytelse i et sosialdemokrati) bruker jeg et originalt datasett om opinion og offentlig politikk som inneholder 603 spesifikke saker i norsk politikk over fem tiår (1966-2014). Jeg viser at offentlig politikk i Norge generelt har respondert mye sterkere på preferansene til borgere med høy inntekt, enn preferansene til borgere med gjennomsnittlig eller lav inntekt. Likevel ser ikke de velstående i Norge ut til å nyte den eksklusive politiske innflytelsen som lignende studier har funnet i USA (f.eks. Gilens 2012). Dette er fordi i Norge ser utdanning ut til å være en viktigere faktor enn inntekt, og fordi de fattige ser ut til å ha hatt innflytelse i økonomiske saker, sammenlignbar i størrelsesorden med de velstående.
Artikkel 2 (Hvordan skattlegge de rike: Folkeopinion vs. offentlig politikk) viser at selv om økonomisk politikk har vært relativt lydhør overfor både velstående og fattige, kan folkeopinion og offentlig politikk fortsatt bli alvorlig løsrevet fra hverandre på et spørsmål av høy relevans for de rike – nemlig høyinntektsbeskatning. I en original spørreundersøkelse ba jeg nordmenn utforme sin foretrukne skattestruktur, og matchet deretter svarene deres med registerdata om hva personer med ulike inntekter faktisk betaler i skatt. Jeg viser at innenfor den øverste 1 prosenten er faktiske skattesatser langt lavere (hele 23 prosentpoeng) fra der innbyggerne ønsker at de skal være. En oppfølgingsstudie viste at denne divergensen i sin helhet er drevet av at kapitalinntekter er skattlagt lavere enn hva opinionen ønsker.
Artikkel 3 (Kjønn, økonomisk ulikhet og politisk makt) viser at ulik politisk responsivitet til økonomiske grupper kan resultere i ulik responsivitet til menn og kvinner. Dette er fordi kvinner utgjør en større del av lavinntektsgrupper enn menn, og fordi økonomiske eliter består i overveiende grad av menn. Jeg kombinerer datasettet brukt i Artikkel 1 med sammenlignbare data for USA fra Gilens (2012). Jeg dokumenterer deretter et stort gap i politisk responsivitet mellom menn og kvinner i både Norge og USA de siste 50 årene. En del av gapet skyldes økonomisk ulikhet mellom kjønnene, og fattige kvinner ser ut til å ha spesielt lite innflytelse. I Norge har imidlertid kjønnsforskjellen nærmest forsvunnet over tid, en utvikling som kan tilskrives den økende kvinneandelen i Stortinget. I USA derimot, har gapet holdt seg bemerkelsesverdig stabilt over tid.For as long as democratic forms of government have existed, people have discussed whether economic inequality undermines the democratic ideal of political equality. Do citizens with vastly different economic resources really have more or less the same level of influence on government? Previous research from the United States and Europe suggests that the answer is no: affluent citizens appear to enjoy considerably more policy influence than the average citizen and the poor.
In this thesis, I study the relationship between economic inequality and political power in Norway. Norway is interesting in this regard because it is widely considered one of the most well-functioning democracies in the world. Furthermore, compared to other countries, Norway has low levels of economic inequality, strong unions, and important institutions limiting the influence of economic elites. If its possible, within a modern capitalist society, for rich and poor to have more or less equal influence on government, then Norway would be one of the places where we should observe it. The thesis consists of the following three articles:
In Article 1 (Affluence and influence in a social democracy) I use an original dataset on public opinion and public policy containing 603 specific issues over five decades (1966- 2014). I show that public policy in Norway in general has responded much more strongly to the preferences of high-income citizens than to the preferences of citizens with average or low income. Still, the affluent in Norway do not appear to enjoy the exclusive political influence that similar studies have found in the United States (e.g. Gilens 2012). This is because education appears to be a more important determinant than income, and because the poor seem to have had sway on economic policy issues, comparable in magnitude to that of the affluent.
Article 2 (Taxing the 1 percent: Public Opinion vs. Public Policy) shows that despite the general pattern of economic policy being relatively equally responsive to affluent and poor, public opinion and public policy can still become seriously detached on an issue of high relevance to the rich—namely, high income taxation. In an original survey, I asked Norwegians to design their preferred tax rate structure, and subsequently matched their answers with registry data on what people at different incomes actually pay in tax. I show that within the top 1 percent, tax rates are far below (as much as 23 percentage points) from where citizens want them to be. A follow-up survey showed that this divergence is entirely driven by capital incomes being taxed too low compared to what public opinion prefers.
Article 3 (Gender, Economic Inequality, and Political Power) shows that unequal responsiveness to economic groups can imply unequal responsiveness to men and women. This is because women make up a larger part of low-income groups, and economic elites predominantly consist of men. I combine the dataset used in Article 1 with comparable data for the United States from Gilens (2012). I then document a major gap in responsiveness between men and women in both Norway and the United States over the past 50 years. Part of the gap is accounted for by economic inequality between the genders, and poor women appear to be particularly powerless. In Norway, however, the gender-gap has virtually disappeared over time, a development that is statistically attributable to the increasing share of women in parliament. In the US on the other hand, the gap has remained remarkably stable over time.Doktorgradsavhandlin
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Full text linkWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Full text linkWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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