1,721,006 research outputs found
The Political Attempts of the French Monarchy in the XVIIIth Century : the Reforms of Maupeou (1771-1774) and Lamoignon (1788). Essay on the Political Culture at the End of the Ancien Régime
No full textCette thèse étudie les tentatives de réformes politiques de la monarchie française à la fin de l’Ancien Régime à partir des réformes du chancelier Maupeou (1771-1774) et du garde des sceaux Lamoignon (1788), que l’historiographie a pu qualifier de réformes judiciaires. Ces dernières provoquèrent deux crises majeures et d’importants débats sur la question du pouvoir politique et de la souveraineté entre les partisans du pouvoir royal et ceux des parlements. Notre hypothèse de départ en étudiant ensemble ces deux réformes est de les concevoir, derrière leur étiquette judiciaire, comme des réformes au contenu et aux finalités politiques.Ce travail montre, qu’à côté des nombreuses réformes entreprises par le gouvernement royal durant tout le XVIIIème siècle (réformes fiscales, financières, économiques…), ces deux réformes constituent avec les projets d’assemblées municipales et provinciales de Turgot (1774-1776) puis de Necker (1781), le volet politique de l’entreprise réformatrice de la monarchie au siècle des Lumières. Les réformes Maupeou, Lamoignon, Turgot et Necker sont, sous des formes différentes, les réponses du pouvoir royal à la crise politique profonde que traversait la monarchie au cours du XVIIIIème siècle, caractérisée par la contestation parlementaire répétée des mesures ministérielles. Les réformes politico-judiciaires de Maupeou et Lamoignon sont la réponse autoritaire et absolutiste du pouvoir royal à cette crise politique et idéologique alors que les réformes administratives de Turgot puis de Necker, visant à créer des assemblées représentatives, constituent la stratégie plus douce et libérale pour remédier à l’usure de l’absolutisme et régénérer la monarchie absolue en l’adaptant aux mentalités du temps.Cette étude montre également que les crises provoquées par les réformes politico-judiciaires de Maupeou et Lamoignon sont tout à la fois des révélateurs de la désaffection pour le modèle de la monarchie absolue en France et un catalyseur accentuant le désir d’un pouvoir moins autocratique et d’une monarchie constitutionnelle et représentative, respectueuse des droits de la nation. Elles furent ainsi un moment majeur de maturation des idées hostiles au pouvoir absolu, de cristallisation de l’idée de « nation » et d’éducation politique d’un large public.Cette thèse vise également, au-delà de l’étude de ces tentatives de réformes politiques, à étudier les cultures politiques dominantes qui se révèlent durant les débats profonds provoqués par les deux réformes judiciaires de Maupeou et de Lamoignon (culture absolutiste du pouvoir royal, culture parlementaro-aristocratique des parlements, culture plus libérale des milieux philosophiques, puis du courant national). Elle constitue une étude d’histoire politique, mais aussi d’histoire des idées et des mentalités politiques en France à la fin de l’Ancien Régime.Par son étude des différentes représentations idéologiques de chaque camp opposé, gouvernement royal et parlements, ce travail est plus globalement une réflexion sur la crise et la déliquescence de l’idéologie du pouvoir absolu qui déboucha sur la chute de la monarchie absolue. Les crises produites par ces réformes furent en effet l’occasion de débattre des idées de contrat social, de souveraineté nationale, de constitution, de limites au pouvoir absolu, de droits de la nation, de liberté, de corps politiques représentatifs, et montrent ainsi la recherche d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cette étude ouvre ainsi un questionnement sur les origines idéologiques de la Révolution française et soutient que ces deux moments de crises engendrées par les réformes politico-judiciaires et leur échec sont des moments fondamentaux pour la compréhension des événements révolutionnaires de 1789. Elle montre en effet l’incapacité de la monarchie absolue à la fin de l’Ancien Régime à se réformer politiquement et à recréer un nouveau consensus en restant figée sur ses dogmes absolutistes.This thesis studies the political attempts of the French monarchy at the end of the Ancien Régime from the so-called judiciary reforms of Chancellor Maupeou (1771-1774) and Lord Chancellor Lamoignon (1788) which historiography could describe as judiciary reforms. Both reforms caused two major crises and important debates about the question of political power and sovereignty between the followers of the royal power and those of the parliaments. Our initial hypothesis in order to study those two reforms together is to conceive them, behind their judiciary label, as reforms with political contents and purposes.This thesis shows that, together with numerous reforms initiated by the royal government during the XVIII th century (tax reforms, financial, economic reforms…), those two reforms constitute, with Turgot’s (1774-1776) and Necker’s (1781) projects of municipal and provincial assemblies, the political component of the reforming enterprise of the monarchy at the Age of Enlightenment. Maupeou, Lamoignon, Turgot and Necker reforms are, in different forms, the responses of the royal power to the deep crisis crossed by the monarchy in the XVIIIth century, characterized by the frequent parliamentary challenges of the ministerial measures. The politico-judiciary reforms of Maupeou and Lamoignon are the authoritarian and absolutist responses of the royal power to that political and ideological crisis whereas Turgot’s and Necker’s administrative reforms, wishing to create representative assemblies constitute a softer and a more liberal strategy in order to remedy the wear of absolutism and to regenerate the absolute monarchy by adapting it to the mentality of time.This study also shows that the crises caused by the politico-judiciary reforms of Maupeou and Lamoignon are both indicators of disaffection for the model of absolute monarchy and a catalyst emphasising the desire for a less autocratic power and for a constitutional and representative monarchy that would be more respectful for the rights of the nation. Consequently, those reforms were major moments for the maturation of hostile ideas to the absolute power, for the crystallization of the idea of the nation and for the education of a large public.Beyond the study of those attempts of political reforms, this thesis is also intended to study the dominant political cultures that can be seen during the deep debates caused by both judiciary reforms of Maupeou and Lamoignon (absolutist culture of the royal power, parliamentary–aristocratic culture of parliaments, a more liberal culture of philosophers, then of the national current). This thesis is a study of political history, but also a study of ideas and political mentalities in France at the end of the Ancien Régime.With its study of the different ideologic representations of each opposed side, royal government and parliaments, this work is more globally a reflection about the crisis and deliquescence of the ideology of the absolute power which led to the fall of absolute monarchy. The crises produced by those reforms were the opportunity to debate a lot of new notions of social contract, national sovereignty, constitution, limits of absolute power, rights of the nation, freedom, representative body politic, and so they show the research of a new political legitimacy. This study opens up a questioning about the ideologic origins of the French Revolution and leads to demonstrate that those two moments of crises, caused by the politico-judiciary reforms and their failure are fundamental moments to understand the revolutionary events of 1789. This study shows how the absolute monarchy preferred to freeze on its absolutist dogmas, which led to the inability of this monarchy at the end of the Ancien Régime to reform itself and recreate a new consensus
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Full text linkWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Full text linkWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
koamabayili/VECTRON-author-checklist: VECTRON author checklist
No full textWe have done our best to complete the author checklist relating to the use of animals in the hut study. Note that the objective for the hut study was to evaluate the IRS treatment applications for residual efficacy against Anopheles mosquitoes, including the local An. coluzzii mosquito population. Cows were only used to attract mosquitoes into the huts and no tests were carried out directly on the cows. The author checklist is intended for use with studies where experiments are carried out on animals, which is why we have had such difficulty in completing this for the hut study, as many of the questions do not relate to how the cows were used
La faillite marchande, désincorporation et langage du crédit sous l’Ancien Régime
No full textLittéralement, sous l’Ancien Régime, la faillite n’est autre qu’une situation marchande. Elle demande en cela une qualification sociale des gestes et des protagonistes, et demande une résolution au sein de ce même espace dit « marchand », lequel, bien que soumis à la législation royale, reste à bien des égards coutumier. C’est pourquoi les acteurs aptes à se prononcer sur la faillite et sur les parcours commerciaux proviennent de cet espace (corporations, juridictions consulaires), en concurrence avec d’autres (tribunaux ordinaires, Conseil du roi). Ensemble ils font de la faillite un enjeu à la fois social et politique dans la ville, où le problème de sa pénalisation ne peut que recouper des pratiques et des critères issus en grande partie de l’univers traditionnel bourgeois. Le déclassement des faillis, leur désincorporation, en est le signe principal.In Ancien Regime France, bankruptcy was literally nothing but a merchant situation. Thus, it required a social qualification of both gestures and persons involved, and a resolution within this so-called “merchant” space. The latter remained customary in many regards, although submitted to increasing royal legislation. That’s why the agents able to judge on bankruptcy and on commercial careers came from this particular space (guilds, merchant-court jurisdictions), competing with others (regular courts, king’s council). Together, they constructed bankruptcy as a social and political issue in the city. There, the problem of its penalization was embedded in habits and criterions forged within the traditional bourgeois milieu. Maybe downgrading of bankrupt persons, with their social disincorporation, was its main sign
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