1,721,063 research outputs found
The question of the statehood of Palestine from the perspective of international law
A resolution passed in 2012 by the United Nations General Assembly on upgrading the Palestinian observer status to the rank of a non-member observer state provoked vivid discussions on political and legal aspects of the Palestinian statehood. Following this resolution the government bodies of the Palestinian Authority in official documents refer to their entity as “the State of Palestine”, however many countries seem to decisively oppose to consider the above-mentioned resolution as the basis for recognition of the Palestinian statehood. In their opinion, only on condition of fulfilling the commonly acknowledged criteria of statehood, i.e. assuming the full control as well as exercising an independent power (including capacity to maintain foreign relations) over the population within the specified territory under its control may Palestine be recognized as a sovereign state. Taking the position that the above criteria represent the level of legitimacy of the state-building process and are regarded as constituents of the definition of a state under the international law, the author of the present thesis has undertaken to find the answer to the question whether Palestine has complete control over the specified territory, whether Palestinians form a nation and whether the Palestinian authorities can be regarded as effective and capable of representing its entity in international relations. This article makes the point that a decision on recognition of a geopolitical entity as a state is more political than legal in character and it remains the matter of discretional decision of other members of international community, therefore the process of recognition of Palestine depends, de facto, on current trends in international politics and the balance of forces in the international arena
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
We provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Some legal comments on "transnational" armed conflicts
Ogłoszona przez Stany Zjednoczone „globalna wojna z terroryzmem” w praktyce okazała się być nie tylko polityczną metaforą, lecz także wskazaniem na militarny wymiar walki z tym zjawiskiem, prowadzonej bez żadnych ograniczeń geograficznych. Z perspektywy międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego, koncepcja ta oznacza prowadzenie działań wojennych przeciwko zbrojnym podmiotom niepaństwowym operującym w różnych krajach i rozsianym po całym świecie. Byłby to zatem konflikt zbrojny prowadzony przez dane państwo przeciw niepaństwowej zorganizowanej grupie zbrojnej (co jest charakterystyczne dla konfliktów niemiędzynarodowych), ale na terytorium innego państwa (co przypomina konflikt międzynarodowy). Taki „mieszany” konflikt nie wpisuje się jednak w dychotomiczny podział konfliktów zbrojnych w prawie humanitarnym, dlatego w doktrynie sformułowano pojęcie „transnarodowego” konfliktu zbrojnego, który toczy się na terytorium więcej niż jednego państwa lub dochodzi do niego, gdy jedna ze stron konfliktu przekracza granicę państwową, by prowadzić operację wojskową wobec drugiej strony. Ta „nowa” kategoria konfliktów budzi jednak szereg wątpliwości natury prawnej. Przede wszystkim, nie jest do końca jasne, jakie konkretnie sytuacje faktyczne uznać należy za konflikt transnarodowy. Kwestionowany jest też sam pomysł tworzenia nowego rodzaju konfliktu zbrojnego. Podejmowane są zatem próby „wpasowania” konfliktów transnarodowych w ramy prawne konfliktów międzynarodowych lub niemiędzynarodowych. W przypadku zaś uznania konfliktów transnarodowych za konflikty niemiędzynarodowe, pojawia się pytanie, jaki reżim prawny należy wobec nich stosować, uwzględniając przy tym ich specyficzny zakres terytorialny.The “global war on terrorism” announced by the United States turned out to be in practice not only a political metaphor, but also an indication of the military dimension of the fight against this phenomenon, conducted without any geographical limitations. From the perspective of international humanitarian law, this concept means the conduct of hostilities against armed non-state actors operating in various countries and scattered around the world. It would therefore be an armed conflict led by a given state against a non-state organized armed group (which is characteristic of non-international conflicts), but on the territory of another state (which resembles an international conflict). However, such a “mixed” conflict does not fit into the dichotomous division of armed conflicts in humanitarian law, therefore the doctrine formulates the concept of a “transnational” armed conflict that takes place on the territory of more than one state or occurs when one of the parties to the conflict crosses the border to conduct a military operation against the other party. This “new” category of conflicts, however, raises a number of legal doubts. First of all, it is not entirely clear what specific factual situations should be considered a transnational conflict. The very idea of creating a new type of armed conflict is also questioned. Therefore, attempts are made to “fit” transnational conflicts into the legal framework of international or non-international conflicts. In the case of recognizing transnational conflicts as non-international conflicts, the question arises what legal regime should be applied to them, taking into account their specific territorial scope
The evolution of terrorism and the revolution of anti-terrorism
"Wypowiedzenie wojny" terrorystom przez prezydenta USA George’a W. Busha po zamachach terrorystycznych na Stany Zjednoczone z 11 września 2001 r. zrodziło wiele pytań, w tym przede wszystkim o to, czy rzeczywiście można nazwać reakcję na wspomniane akty terroryzmu „wojną”. Administracja amerykańska potraktowała bowiem wspomniany slogan dosłownie, angażując się militarnie w operacje wymierzone w ugrupowania terrorystyczne, najpierw w Afganistanie, a w kolejnych latach również w innych częściach świata. W rezultacie walka z terroryzmem nabrała cech walki zbrojnej na niespotykaną dotychczas skalę. Takie „rewolucyjne” podejście do działań antyterrorystycznych, z większym lub mniejszym przekonaniem zaakceptowane przez inne państwa, było odpowiedzią na fenomen, który ewoluował już od co najmniej dekady przed spektakularnymi zamachami z 11 września 2001 r. Nawet jeśli przyjąć, że zamachy te zapoczątkowały przełomowe zmiany w polityce antyterrorystycznej państw i organizacji międzynarodowych, zjawisko współczesnego terroryzmu to długofalowy efekt upadku systemu bipolarnego i destabilizacji takich regionów jak Bliski Wschód czy Azja Centralna. Zarówno przed atakami z 11 września, jak i po nich terroryzm ewoluował i choć w ciągu 20 lat, jakie minęły od tych ataków, kampanie antyterrorystyczne niejednokrotnie neutralizowały i powstrzymywały zagrożenia terrorystyczne w różnych zakątkach naszego globu, to zakres, zróżnicowanie i skala wspomnianych zagrożeń prawdopodobnie wzrosły.The "declaration of war" on terrorists by US President George W. Bush after the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001 gave rise to many questions, including, above all, whether the response to the said acts of terrorism can really be called a "war". The American administration treated the above-mentioned slogan literally, engaging militarily in operations targeting terrorist groups, first in Afghanistan, and in subsequent years also in other parts of the world. As a result, the fight against terrorism has taken on the characteristics of an armed struggle on an unprecedented scale. This "revolutionary" approach to anti-terrorist activities, accepted with greater or lesser conviction by other States, was a response to a phenomenon that had been evolving for at least a decade before the spectacular attacks of September 11, 2001. Even if we assume that these attacks initiated groundbreaking changes in the anti-terrorist policy of States and international organizations, the phenomenon of contemporary terrorism is a long-term effect of the collapse of the bipolar system and the destabilization of regions such as the Middle East and Central Asia. Both before and after the September 11 attacks, terrorism was evolving, and while counterterrorism campaigns have repeatedly neutralized and contained terrorist threats across the globe in the 20 years since the attacks, the scope, diversity, and scale of these threats have likely increased
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