177 research outputs found
Report to Governor Neil Goldschmidt of Judge John C. Warden's corrections investigation
No full text"In accordance with Executive Order No. EO-89-12, on September 6, 1989 ..."--Page 1.Title from PDF title page (viewed on December 20, 2017).This archived document is maintained by the State Library of Oregon as part of the Oregon Documents Depository Program. It is for informational purposes and may not be suitable for legal purposes.Includes bibliographical references (page ).Mode of access: Internet from the Oregon Government Publications Collection.Text in English
117 - Daniel Benjamin Goldschmidt
No full textIncludes bibliographical references.Poster featured at the 2017 CSU Gradshow, and won an award from the Graduate Student Council.The current project is building a connection between the fields of music therapy and music cognition. Music therapists research and practice evidence-based musical interventions to reach non-musical goals with clients in many different populations. Music cognition is a field learning about cognitive, perceptual, and behavioral aspects of music and humanity. While seemingly similar, they are frequently detached despite asking similar questions. My goal is to go forward and educate music therapists, the public, possible employers, and other health professionals on utilizing music neuroscience research in practice. By working in partnership these two fields can do the most good for humanity.Graduate Student Council - New Graduate Student - Research Top Scholar
The Philosophy of Social Market Economy: Michel Foucault's Analysis of Ordoliberalism
No full textMichel Foucault’s lectures at the Collège de France in 1978–1979 centered on the analysis of power with regard to liberalism. Foucault especially focused on German ordoliberalism and its specific governmentality. Although Foucault’s review of the ordoliberal texts, programs, and books is very faithful, there are some occasional “schematic” simplifications. Our paper will evaluate Foucault’s constitution of an ordoliberal “archive”, though more emphasis will be put on the general importance of the phenomenological orientation in Walter Eucken’s work. Hence, three tasks will guide our paper: first, an analysis of Foucault’s position; second, the phenomenological foundation of the ordoliberal discourse compared to the 18th century liberal discourse, i.e. the way in which Walter Eucken received Husserl. Third, our paper shall raise the subject of the mutual historical-epistemological complementation of philosophy and economics by taking Foucault’s analysis as the starting point. Furthermore, the consequences of a phenomenological, “eidetic” order of the economy will be discussed, focusing mainly on the expansion of competition in social domains. --Foucault,Husserl,Eucken,ordoliberalism,eidetic order of the market,social market economy
Digteren Goldschmidt og Grundtvig
No full textGoldschmidt and Grundtvig. A showdown concerning national identityBy Morten BredsdorffIt is a well-known fact that the sarcasms of the political pamphlet »The Corsair« written by its editor M. A. Goldschmidt the journalist and poet had an immense influence on Søren Kierkegaard the philosopher. Not so with Grundtvig. Goldschmidt at that time had little interest in Grundtvig and confined himself to more or less innocent jokes concerning the comical aspects of Grundtvig’s archaic language and queer Nordic ideas.But during the war with Schleswig-Holstein, 1848-50, there was a bitter clash between the internationally-orientated Jewish author and the herald of indigenous Danish culture. Their discussion, which is of far reaching interest, may be followed in Goldschmidt’s monthly »North and South« and in Grundtvig’s newborn paper »The Dane«.After having given up »The Corsair« in 1843 Goldschmidt went abroad and studied political and economic conditions in Germany, Austria, Italy and Switzerland during the revolutionary 1840s. He was especially impressed by the political situation in the Alpine republic, where a transformation of a mediaeval, rather loose union of small societies into a confederation of cantons was taking place.It struck Goldschmidt that a similar solution of national problems within the Danish-German Monarchy might be possible, if the Danish government gave the inhabitants of Holstein and Schleswig political freedom and Parliamentarian institutions. This might in a healthy way pave the way for democracy in the whole country, thus preventing the imminent danger of internal strife and warfare.Six years later in 1853 Goldschmidt left the political life of his country with a bitter confession: »Nothing has been so devastating to me as what I learnt in Switzerland. Without this experience I might never have observed that within the Danish Monarchy there were two nations, which might, following the Swiss example, have been united in a federal state, growing healthy and strong by means of communal institutions. - For this Mr. Grundtvig excommunicated me, and the rest of them scolded me, indeed, what didn’t they do! This is the reason why I never succeeded in Denmark!«During the period leading up to the revolt in Schleswig-Holstein and even after the beginning of the war Goldschmidt used his monthly journal to advocate plans for keeping the monarchy with its two languages together by means of a political and democratic federation.He was met by bitter opposition from the ruling National-Liberal Party, which advocated the secession of Holstein and a forced unification of Schleswig with Denmark. This Goldschmidt found absolutely unjustified. And for a short time he nourished the hope of being understood by Grundtvig who scorned the »NationalLiberal gentlemen« and wanted to know the opinion of the population of Schleswig, probably having a sort of plebiscite in mind. But Goldschmidt soon had to realise that any idea of a cultural union with the German speaking part of the monarchy was absolute anathema to Grundtvig. The latter turned against Goldschmidt, as a dangerous person, - even though he acknowledged the fine literary artist - an international journalist and a Jew, a member of another race with no right to interfere in Danish affairs and with no understanding whatever of Danish popular culture (dansk Folkelighed).In the heat of the fight Grundtvig seems to have forgotten his own defence of the Jews in Denmark during the antisemitic brawl in 1813 and his noble words about the Jews in »Mands Minde«, 1838. Grundtvig does not deny that Goldschmidt has a far deeper insight into European political problems than any other journalist in Danish newspapers. But as a Jew he must resign and keep his mouth shut. Denmark is in mortal danger right now and can only be saved by the indigenous Danes gathering around their own national heritage.Even though Grundtvig’s diatribe against Goldschmidt shows some unpleasant similarities to modern vulgar antisemitism it seems clear that far more essential problems are at stake. Grundtvig’s deep fear of a German rape of Danish culture and his implacable aversion for an academic civilisation excluding the people may have helped to strengthen his feeling of agony on behalf of his country.Goldschmidt was fighting for a dying cause and unhappily got in the way of a Grundtvig who felt that it was »now or never« for his hope for a real Danish renascence. Grundtvig therefore swung Uffe’s heavy sword »Skræp« and Goldschmidt had to give way.Goldschmidt again turned to fiction and eventually became the leading noveist of the 1860s. Years later a Norwegian poet and friend of Goldschmidt’s, A. 0 . Vinje, expressed his admiration for Goldschmidt’s ability to see more than one side of a problem. National identity, he maintained, is a more complex matter than Grundtvig would admit
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