107,076 research outputs found

    Introduction

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    Predicting leptonic CP violation in the light of Daya Bay result on theta13

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    In the light of the recent Daya Bay result θ13DB=8.8±0.8\theta_{13}^{\mathrm{DB}}=8.8^{\circ}\pm0.8^{\circ}, we reconsider the model presented in Meloni et al. (J. Phys. G 38:015003, 2011), showing that, when all neutrino oscillation parameters are taken at their best fit values of Schwetz et al. (New J. Phys. 10:113011, 2008) and where θ13=θ13DB\theta_{13}=\theta_{13}^{\mathrm{DB}}, the predicted values of the CP phase are δ≈±π/4

    Simulation-optimization under uncertainty through metamodeling and bootstrapping

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    Most methods in simulation-optimization assume known environments, whereas this research accounts for uncertain environments combining Taguchi's world view with either regression or Kriging (Gaussian Process) metamodels (response surfaces). These metamodels are combined with Non-Linear Mathematical Programming (NLMP) to find a robust optimal solution. Varying the constraint values in the NLMP model gives an estimated Pareto frontier. To account for the variability of the estimated Pareto frontier, this research uses bootstrapping which gives confidence regions for the robust optimal solution. This methodology is illustrated through the Economic Order Quantity (EOQ) inventory-management model, accounting for the uncertainties in the demand rate and the cost coefficients

    Digital innovation in electoral campaigns: the case of microcredit in Podemos

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    Crowdfunding and micro-donations for funding political campaigns have been extensively studied, especially in the US. However, digital participatory financing in Europe, with a different regulatory context and relevant public funding, has been investigated less. This article analyses the effects of an innovative and digital-native electoral campaign financing tool: the microcredit. Microcredits consist of small “civil loans” that a political party requests from sympathizers to finance the party's electoral campaign. Based on the case study of the Spanish party Podemos–the first one to implement it–for the period of 2015–2021, we use official data and party documents to explore the consequences of microcredit. We argue, first, that microcredits (and party financing) should be considered another way to differentiate challenger parties from traditional ones. Second, there is a link between the number and amount of microcredits and the political context, not limited to good electoral expectations but also to the polarized political context. Third, microcredits change the structure of campaign funding. Finally, we point out a regulation problem that may deter other parties from adopting this mechanism and present different legal problems (monitoring, data protection, or potential corruption), showing the regulatory issues for adapting to the digitalization of politics.</p

    - Lo mal any primer, - Inquadramento storico in G. Meloni - F. Alias, Rendes e messions nei nuovi possedimenti catalani (1333), in corso di stampa.

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    Analisi di documentazione economica del 1333 (mal any primer) sull'amministrazione di territori catalani

    Activation of Dinitrogen with a Superalkali Species, Li<sub>3</sub> F<sub>2</sub>

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    The capability of the superalkali Li_3 F_2 to activate dinitrogen (N_2) is presented. The (Li_3 F_2 )_n N_2 clusters (n = 1 – 6) were investigated first at the MP2/6-311+G(3d2f,2df,2p)//B3LYP/6-311G(2d,d,p) level of theory. Clusters up to n = 4 were also optimized through the CBS-QB3 composite model. The complete dissociation of N_2 was confirmed through visualized molecular orbitals and bond order calculation. The N-N bond is weakened by the addition of Li_3 F_2 superalkali units. The enthalpy of atomization (Δ_at H_0^°) and formation (Δ_f H_0^°), charge flows (∆q), binding energies, and the energy gap between the highest occupied molecular orbital (HOMO) and the lowest unoccupied molecular orbital (LUMO) are calculated to help explaining the N_2 activation

    Who's my Neighbour? European Political Economy Review No. 7 (2007), p. 24-37

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    This paper will propose a reconsideration of the term “neighbour” in the conviction that this operation is of fundamental importance in order to solve any eventual misunderstanding on its meaning and to define what the nature of a relationship of neighbourhood may imply. In particular, it will look into the literature to show that this term, far from being uncontested, fundamentally implies an “othering” practice which transcends the Christian teaching to “love one’s neighbour as oneself”. Then, it will underline that this word may have different connotations in partner countries which may go beyond a neutral indication of geographical proximity and which may not correspond to the meaning consolidated in the anglo-saxon tradition which basically refers to a neighbour as to a “fellow”. Finally, the paper will underline that the same fundamental ambiguity which marks the term here considered lies at the very core of the ENP. As a matter of fact, this policy shows persisting uncertainties on how to substantiate the relationship with neighbouring countries, whether in terms of fellowship and integration or in terms of an “other than me” who still represents a security threat
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