3,024 research outputs found
ADAM SMITH'S OPTIMISTIC TELEOLOGICAL VIEW OF HISTORY
No full textAdam Smith's four-stage theory provides the framework for his writings on history. The fourth stage is the commercial epoch; the culmination of history in this stage is a key component in the conventional interpretation of Adam Smith as a prophet of commercialism. In two historical case studies Smith shows the capacity of commercial society to regenerate itself. This potent capacity suggests that commercial society is inevitable. At a certain point in time it also overcomes the major obstacles to its permanence. Smith's philosophy of history anticipates the end of history views of Kant and Hegel.Political Economy,
Animal Products and Human Health: Perceptions, Opportunities and Challenges
No full textBauman, Dale E.; Lock, Adam L.. (2007). Animal Products and Human Health: Perceptions, Opportunities and Challenges. Retrieved from the University Digital Conservancy, https://hdl.handle.net/11299/109845
Modifying Milk Fat Composition of Dairy Cows to Enhance Fatty Acids Beneficial to Human Health
No full textLock, Adam L.; Bauman, Dale E.. (2007). Modifying Milk Fat Composition of Dairy Cows to Enhance Fatty Acids Beneficial to Human Health. Retrieved from the University Digital Conservancy, https://hdl.handle.net/11299/109846
ADAM SMITH'S VIEW OF HISTORY: CONSISTENT OR PARADOXICAL?
No full textThe conventional interpretation of Adam Smith is that he is a prophet of commercialism. The liberal capitalist reading of Smith is consistent with the view that history culminates in commercial society. The first part of the article develops this optimistic interpretation of Smith's view of history. Smith implies that commercial society is the end of history because 1) it supplies the ends of nature that he identifies; 2) it is inevitable; and 3) it is permanent. The second part of the article shows that Smith has some dark moments in his writings where he seems to reject completely such teleological notions. In this more civic humanist mood he confesses that commercial society does not supply the ends of nature, nor is it inevitable, nor is it permanent. Both views exist in Smith and the commentator is forced to choose between passages in Smith's work in order to support a particular interpretation of the former's view of history.Political Economy,
Adam Smith and Roman Servitudes
No full textThis essay is a preprint of an article that appeared at: Tijdschrift voor Rechstsgeschiedenis, 72 (2004), 327–57.This essay discusses Adam Smith historical jurisprudence and his use of Roman law materials in his Lectures on Jurisprudence. It argues that Smith found it difficult to maintain his theory of legal development in the face of a highly developed body of Roman law literature
THE THEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF ADAM SMITH'S WORK
No full textThe paper will discuss the theological foundation to Smith's writings. Teleology, final causes and divine design were initially seen as central to understanding Smith's writings. Over time, this view fell out of fashion. In the period after World War II, with the rise of positivism, commentators tended to overlook or downplay this interpretation. In the last decade, or so, teleology has started to be restored to its former position as an essential element in understanding Smith. After spelling out Smith's teleology and his view of final causes, divine design and the ends of nature, we try to explain the Panglossian nature of the 'new theistic view' of Smith. While our view differs somewhat, we agree with the essence of the 'new view' claim: a theological view exists in Smith which underpins his moral and economic theories.Political Economy,
Dissolving the Chimera of the ‘Adam Smith Problem’
No full textIn The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith set out his influential theory that societies achieve prosperity by securing the freedom of individuals to pursue their own end by the means they choose within a framework of rules of justice. In his earlier work The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Smith developed his thesis about the origins of our moral sentiments and the emergence of rules of justice. The socalled ‘Adam Smith Problem’ concerns the perceived inconsistency between Smith’s defence of selfinterest in the Wealth of Nations and his emphasis of sympathy as the origin of moral sentiments in the earlier work. The existence of the ‘Adam Smith Problem’ has been contested by many writers. The present author provides a number of new arguments to demonstrate the illusory nature of the problem by revisiting the key elements Smith’s moral theory. The author argues that the problem dissolves when the role of justice in providing the conditions of free trade is understood. Smith’s tirade against wealth worship is explained as part of his defence of justice and not a condemnation of wealth accumulation. According to this reading, the Theory of Moral Sentiments is a powerful statement of the moral basis of capitalism.
Adam Zagajevski: nel segno dell\u27esilio
No full textQuesto contributo si concentra sulla produzione saggistica di Adam Zagajewski, uno fra i maggiori poeti polacchi contemporanei. Per l\u27autore, il saggio rappresenta una forma libera e aperta, ove è possibile contaminare i generi. A seguito dell\u27esilio della propria comunità e dell\u27allontanamento forzato della sua famiglia da Leopoli, l\u27immagine della città natale diventa per Zagajewski dimora della memoria, individuale e collettiva. Analogamente a quel che avviene nella poesia, anche i saggi di Zagajewski esprimono la condizione erratica dell\u27autore.Questo contributo si concentra sulla produzione saggistica di Adam Zagajewski, uno fra i maggiori poeti polacchi contemporanei. Per l\u27autore, il saggio rappresenta una forma libera e aperta, ove è possibile contaminare i generi. A seguito dell\u27esilio della propria comunità e dell\u27allontanamento forzato della sua famiglia da Leopoli, l\u27immagine della città natale diventa per Zagajewski dimora della memoria, individuale e collettiva. Analogamente a quel che avviene nella poesia, anche i saggi di Zagajewski esprimono la condizione erratica dell\u27autore.Questo contributo si concentra sulla produzione saggistica di Adam Zagajewski, uno fra i maggiori poeti polacchi contemporanei. Per l\u27autore, il saggio rappresenta una forma libera e aperta, ove è possibile contaminare i generi. A seguito dell\u27esilio della propria comunità e dell\u27allontanamento forzato della sua famiglia da Leopoli, l\u27immagine della città natale diventa per Zagajewski dimora della memoria, individuale e collettiva. Analogamente a quel che avviene nella poesia, anche i saggi di Zagajewski esprimono la condizione erratica dell\u27autore.Questo contributo si concentra sulla produzione saggistica di Adam Zagajewski, uno fra i maggiori poeti polacchi contemporanei. Per l\u27autore, il saggio rappresenta una forma libera e aperta, ove è possibile contaminare i generi. A seguito dell\u27esilio della propria comunità e dell\u27allontanamento forzato della sua famiglia da Leopoli, l\u27immagine della città natale diventa per Zagajewski dimora della memoria, individuale e collettiva. Analogamente a quel che avviene nella poesia, anche i saggi di Zagajewski esprimono la condizione erratica dell\u27autore.
This paper focuses on three essays by Adam Zagajewski,who is considered one of the greatest contemporary polish poets. The author addresses the essay as a free and open form, in which genres can be mixed. After the exile of his community and the displacement of his family from Lvov, for Zagajewski the image of his hometown becomes a memory\u27s place. Like Poetry, Zagajewski\u27s essays often express the erratic condition of the author.
PAROLE CHIAVE
Adam Zagajewski; Saggio; Poesia; Letteratura polacca; Esilio; Memoria collettiva; Cultura nazionale; Post-memory.
 
Policy interactions of an Australian ETS and expanded MRET
No full textThis dissertation examines the simultaneous operation of an emissions trading scheme (ETS) and the expanded Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET) in Australia. Focussing on the electricity generation sector, I seek to answer the question as to whether MRET can be regarded as complementary or in conflict with an ETS. A brief overview of the expanded MRET and the likely form of an ETS is given, the latter comparing the two key climate change mitigation policy initiatives: The Garnaut Climate Change Review and the Commonwealth‘s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme Green Paper. The pervasive normative bias in favour of coal in both documents is highlighted.
A range of key economic interactions between the two policy instruments are evaluated. An important conclusion is that electricity prices are subject to three complex counteracting influences: MRET‘s downwards pressure on ETS permit prices while ETS permits simultaneously exert upwards pressure on fossil fuel generation costs, and MRET‘s additional cost impost on electricity retailers.
The importance of systemic interactions in technological innovation is examined, highlighting the barriers to entry for renewable energy represented by incumbent fossil fuel dominance. A crucial and perhaps surprising finding is that a carbon price signal alone is insufficient to stimulate structural change in energy technologies due to the ‗locked-in‘ nature of existing fossil fuel generation technologies and their enabling social and institutional context. Other complementary policy mechanisms are needed throughout the ‗innovation chain‘.
I further discuss the political nature of policy instruments such as the ETS and MRET, and examine the implications of a full rendering of the Precautionary Principle. A key argument is that an over-reliance on coal and the promise of geosequestration can be tempered by policies such as MRET.
On balance, I conclude that MRET is indeed necessary and is complementary to an ETS
Rosyjski konserwatyzm jako prawo do usprawiedliwienia wojny z perspektywy fundamentów moralnych J. Haidta i syndromu myślenia grupowego I. L. Janisa
No full textIn this article, the author attempts to describe something called Russian conservatism. He then considers why Russian society may succumb to such ideas, what belief in Kremlin propaganda may lead to, and whether there are grounds to believe that we already have evidence that Russian society is heading in a specific direction. The author refers here to two researchers and their understanding of group processes. The first is Jonathan Haidt, and the second is Irving L. Janis. I refer to J. Haidt because of his research on moral behavior. In his 2012 book (Haidt, 2014) – The Righteous Mind – he asks in the subtitle: Why are good people divided by religion and politics? It can be paraphrased: why are good people able to murder other good people because of religion and politics? Here, we will refer to the Kremlin’s ideology, which is conservatism in Russia, and ask ourselves: is there any counterweight to it? Then we will consider whether Russian society has really become so polarized that there is no balance between people with a conservative and, for example, liberal approach, in order to refer to I. L. Janis’s research (Janis, 1982) on group behavior, including extensive research devoted to the groupthink syndrome, to explore whether it can be assumed that this type of thinking has already occurred in Russia.W artykule autor podejmuje próbę zreferowania czegoś, co nazywamy rosyjskim konserwatyzmem. Następnie zastanawia się, dlaczego społeczeństwo rosyjskie może ulegać takim ideom, do czego wiara w propagandę Kremla może prowadzić i czy są przesłanki do tego, aby sądzić, że mamy już dowody na to, że społeczeństwo rosyjskie zmierza w jakimś konkretnym kierunku.Autor odwołuje się tutaj do dwóch badaczy i ich rozumienia procesów grupowych. Pierwszym będzie Jonathan Haidt, a drugim Irving L. Janis.Do J. Haidta odnoszę się ze względu na badania dotyczące zachowań moralnych. W swej książce (Haidt, 2014) z 2012 roku – Prawy umysł – zadaje on w podtytule pytanie: Dlaczego dobrych ludzi dzieli religia i polityka? Można je sparafrazować: dlaczego dobrzy ludzie przez religię i politykę są w stanie mordować innych dobrych ludzi? Odwołamy się tutaj do ideologii Kremla, jaką jest konserwatyzm w Rosji, i zadamy sobie pytanie: czy istnieje dla niego jakaś przeciwwaga?Następnie zastanowimy się, czy rzeczywiście społeczeństwo rosyjskie tak się spolaryzowało, że nie ma w nim równowagi między osobami o konserwatywnym a np. liberalnym podejściu, aby odwołując się do badań I. L. Janisa (Janis, 1982) dotyczących zachowań grupowych, w tym szerokich badań poświęconych syndromowi myślenia grupowego, zgłębić, czy można uznać, że w Rosji doszło już do tego rodzaju myślenia
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