3,037 research outputs found
An Investigation into the Exegeses of the Phrase “San Tian Liang Di” in the Commentary on the Book of Changes
No full text《易．說卦》所謂「參天兩地而倚數」，學者皆知其內涵當與筮占之數相關，唯於「參天兩地」之具體含義，則歷來解說不一，又多牽涉《易．繫》「天地之數」及「大衍之數」為義，後學往往莫知所從。本文先就本章章旨論定其內容性質，進而檢討漢宋學者最主要的幾家注解，析論其得失所在。認為漢代馬融、鄭玄之說嫌於簡略不完，致使後人不易掌握，唯推究其義，似非?不可通。韓康伯、孔穎達以下，以至朱熹，不滿前說，皆另發新義，而轉不可恃。本文復揭示漢人另一解讀的可能，即本近人李笠的意見，以為「參天兩地」與「參天貳地」同義，「參」、「兩」非數字，而是相似、副貳之意。本篇綜合先秦兩漢古籍資料，對其訓義進一步加以論證闡明，以求可能適切的義解。It is widely known by scholars studying the Book of Changes that the sentence “San tian liang di er yi shu (The number 3 is assigned to heaven, 2 to earth, and from these come the (other) numbers)” in the chapter “Shuogua (Remarks on the Trigrams)” is closely connected with the numbers of divination. Throughout the history, however, there have been numerous explanations for the concrete idea of “san tian liang di.” Since most explanations involve “tian di zhi shu (the numbers of heaven and earth)” and “da yan zhi shu (the number of the Great Expansion)” mentioned in the chapter “Xicizhuan (Explanation of the Trigrams),” this phrase is difficult for learners of the Book of Changes to understand.
This paper firstly determines the phrase’s meaning based on the main idea of the whole chapter and analyses the most important annotations made by scholars in the Han and Song Dynasties. Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan’s theories are too simplified to make people understand, but they still have some advantages. Later scholars like Han Kang-Bo, Kong Ying-Da and Zhu Xi are unsatisfied with their previous theories, so they create new explanations of their own, which turn out to be too weak to refer to. Li Li believes that “san tian liang di” is actually “can tian er di,” meaning “to tally with the numbers of heaven and earth.” By examining ancient written records in the pre-Qin and Han Dynasties, this paper concludes with the appropriate explanations of “san tian liang di”
The Price of Orthodoxy: Issues of Legitimacy in the Later Liang and Later Tang
No full text五代前期的後梁和後唐淵源於朱溫與李克用在唐末所建立的藩鎮政權，他們利用唐室衰微的時機，憑藉強大軍力不斷擴張，進而建立新的中央政府。依靠武力崛起的地方勢力在試圖轉變為中央政權時，其領導人勢必面臨合理化的問題，須解釋自己為何擁有「天命」而登基。後梁的朱溫希望透過禪讓與郊天儀式，證明自己是天命所歸；後唐的李存勗則以李唐王室的繼承人自居，宣稱唐室中興。不論探取何種方式，這些戎馬出身的領導人都必須要與文士合作，重視禮樂儀式，重建官僚體系。於是，他們原本全以軍事為中心的政權發生改變，也間接造成這些武人統治者的文儒化。 由於這些戎馬出身的統治者接觸文藝知識的時間甚短，對於儒學的理解有限，導致他們過度期待「正統」所能帶來的政治利益。從現實層面而言，儀式的進行須耗費大量金錢與人力，卻無助於政治和軍事問題的根本解決。當朱溫專注於禪讓儀式時，李克用父子得到重整旗鼓的機會；後梁末帝重視文治，卻缺乏統兵的能力，終為李存勗所滅。李存勗在滅梁後暫停軍事擴張，致力模仿唐代皇帝的形象，希望以唐室重建為宣傳，威服南方的獨立王國；執掌大權的郭崇韜則努力重建由世族領導的文人政府，而這兩點都成為其政權快速衰亡的原因。李嗣源取代李存勗的王位，不再追求建立王朝的正統性，而致力於保境安民，這種重視現實的政策反而能達成較長的穩定與和平。這個轉變也成為五代歷史上的一個分水嶺。After the decline of the Tang imperial authority in the late ninth century, a number of local warlords competed to erect autonomous regimes by force, gradually establishing their own dynasties. The first two dynasties after the end of the Tang, the Later Liang and the Later Tang, grew out of the rival regimes established by Zhu Wen and Li Keyong. Both Zhu and Li were bellicose generals, but who increasingly came to realize the importance of legitimacy in the process of building their national regimes. To legitimize his power, Zhu Wen claimed that the Tang orthodox authority had been transmitted to him. In contrast, Li Keyong and his son legitimized their fight against Zhu by claiming that they carried the standard of Tang restoration. Although adopting different approaches, both two military-oriented regimes turned to civil issues, such as organizing the bureaucracy and performing rituals. From a cultural perspective, the political leaders' interest in civil affairs preserved and promoted Confucian tradition under violent conditions. Their claims to orthodoxy before they effectively controlled all of China, however, retarded the military actions of these two regimes, because the attention of their rulers was diverted from the battlefield to civil affairs. This article will analyze the relationship between military expansion and the management of legitimation in both the Later Liang and the Later Tang. The short lives of the Later Liang and the Later Tang, I argue, are partly attributable to their emperors' efforts at legitimation. Military might rather than the appearance of orthodox dynastic practice was crucial to the fortunes of these two dynasties, but the emperors seemed to overemphasize the latter over the former
Response to the Round Table on Why Did We Choose to Industrialize? Montreal 1819–1849
No full textAuthor Robert C.H. Sweeny responds to comments on his award-winning book, Why Did We Choose to Industrialize? Montreal 1819–1849.L’auteur Robert C.H. Sweeny répond aux commentaires de son livre récompensé, Why Did We Choose to Industrialize? Montreal 1819–1849
A non-biotin polymerized horseradish-peroxidase method for the immunohistochemical diagnosis of canine distemper
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Leader-follower Game in VMI System with Limited Production Capacity Considering Wholesale and Retail Prices
Full text linkVMI (Vendor Managed Inventory) is a widely used cooperative inventory policy in supply chains in which each enterprise has its autonomy in pricing. This paper discusses a leader-follower Stackelberg game in a VMI supply chain where the manufacturer, as a leader, produces a single product with a limited production capacity and delivers it at a wholesale price to multiple different retailers, as the followers, who then sell the product in dispersed and independent markets at retail prices. An algorithm is then developed to determine the equilibrium of the Stackelberg game. Finally, a numerical study is conducted to understand the influence of the Stackelberg equilibrium and market related parameters on the profits of the manufacturer and its retailers. Through the numerical example, our research demonstrates that: (a) the market related parameters have significant influence on the manufacturer’ and its retailers’ profits; (b) a retailer’s profit may not be necessarily lowered when it is charged with a higher inventory cost by the manufacturer; (c) the equilibrium of the Stackelberg equilibrium benefits the manufacturer.Stackelberg Game;Supply Chain;Vendor Managed Inventory
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