1,720,965 research outputs found
Replication Data for: Autocratic Legalism, Partisanship, and Popular Legitimation in Authoritarian Cameroon
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Expressive Voting in Autocracies: A Theory of Non-Economic Participation with Evidence from Cameroon
No full textReplication files for "Expressive Voting in Autocracies: A Theory of Non-Economic Participation with Evidence from Cameroon
Expressive Voting in Autocracies: A Theory of Non-Economic Participation with Evidence from Cameroon
No full textReplication files for "Expressive Voting in Autocracies: A Theory of Non-Economic Participation with Evidence from Cameroon
Replication Data for: Partisanship and Political Socialization in Electoral Autocracies
No full textReplication Data & Additional Supplementary Materials for: Partisanship and Political Socialization in Electoral Autocracie
Political ideologies in the liberal international order: examining responses to left and right populism in Latin America
Full text linkThis thesis tests the proposition that the Liberal International Order does not treat all norms equally, but rather values neoliberalism over others. I test this hypothesis through four case studies of Latin American populists post-1990: Fujimori and Bolsonaro (right-wing populists) and Correa and Chávez (left-wing populists). Right-wing populists are generally more neoliberal than left-wing populists. Populists were chosen to isolate the influence of other norm violations, as these four cases are all guilty of violating liberal democratic norms like press freedom and free and fair elections. I examine each of these cases to determine how international organizations respond to liberal norm violations, either with condemnation or sanctions. First, I find that left-wing populists are supportive of LIO norms minus neoliberalism. Fujimori is also supportive of LIO norms, while Bolsonaro is critical of global governance and multilateralism. I detect no noticeable pattern between the responses to left and right-wing populists. In fact, the leader most supportive of the LIO (Fujimori) was the most harshly punished for norm violations during his 2002 autogolpe. This suggests that the post-1990 global order does not emulate Cold War patterns of pro-neoliberal interventionism, but rather prioritizes democratic order. This could be possible due to the increasingly multipolar world and/or global contestations over neoliberalism
"Educate A Nation": A Historical Analysis of Female Education's Impact on Kenyan Economics and Politics
Full text linkGender norms impact the educational system in Kenya, and influence the quantity and quality of education females receive. Additionally, this relationship formed between education and gender norms interacts with other societal structures, such as economic and political structures. Considering the connection between these structures, I analyze how changing gender norms impact educational, economic, and political structures in Kenya throughout three time-periods: pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial. I argue that shifting gender norms and educational structures in each period creates a unique relationship, as norms constrain the set of behaviors deemed appropriate for females in education to create a system of measurable educational inequalities for females in Kenya. The findings illustrate a few key issues. First, there is a distinct relationship between education and gender in each period that is categorically different than the relationship in other periods due to the shifting nature of gender norms and educational structures. Furthermore, I produce measurable results that define gender-based educational inequality in each time-period as well as measurable impacts to both the economic and political structures. Finally, I map the changes to my variables (gender, education, economics, and politics) and denote how these shifting variables have shaped the education system in Kenya today
THE ORTHODOX ETHIC? THE ROLE OF CHRISTIAN ORTHODOXY IN POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC AFFAIRS IN MACEDONIA
Full text linkMax Weber’s analysis in his prominent book The Protestant Work Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism has prompted a generation of research that observes the role and impact of religion in world affairs. The core of Weber’s thesis is his argument that religious teachings have imposed psychological sanctions in individuals, and in turn, these sanctions have affected people’s behavior in worldly affairs. Guided by this argument, this thesis explores religious influence in the political and economic domain and seeks to understand the dynamics through which these influences materialize in people’s behavior and attitudes. In both domains, this thesis finds evidence that it is the threat to the ontological security of actors that elicits the enactment of religious norms, which in turn affect people’s behavior and attitudes in the political and economic spheres. The evidence in this thesis is drawn from a case study of Christian Orthodoxy and a field study in Macedonia. Drawing from field surveys, religious doctrines, and the existent literature, I delineate Christian Orthodox norms in respect to political and economic behavior and empirically test the extent to which these norms are manifested in the behavior of Christian Orthodox adherents. Influence of Christian Orthodox norms are found in both the political and economic domains in the case of Macedonia. Moreover, this thesis detects an intricate interplay of the logic of appropriateness and self-interest in the enactment of Christian Orthodox norms in Macedonia
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Does economic redistribution affect voting for populist radical right parties in Europe?
Full text linkThis thesis adds to our understanding of what contributes to populist radical right voting by looking at the role of redistribution in relation to populist radical right voting. Additionally, the empirical testing in this thesis utilized European regional level data to examination a closer connection between redistribution and voting data. To investigate this relationship, first the threat posed to liberal democracy by the populist radical right is examined and suggested as a reason to lower populist radical right voting. Classifications of the populist radical right are then considered, particularly clarifying how this party family differs from fascism. Arguments regarding the growth of the populist radical right are presented. These are categorized into cultural and economic arguments. The former considering identity and racism, as well as a clash of values between generations; while the latter considers economic insecurity, precarity of work, inequality, and social mobility as reasons for populist racial right growth. Ultimately though the section concludes that these reasons often do not need to be mutually exclusive.
The methodology to examine the relationship between populist radical right voting and redistribution is provided. OLS regressions were used with voting as the dependent variable and redistribution as the prime independent variable. Redistribution is measured by subtracting the post-tax and transfers Gini coefficient of a region from the pre-taxes and transfers coefficient from that region. The main finding of this testing is that redistribution appears to have no effect on populist radical right voting, but poverty has a positive, statistically significant relationship with it. Accordingly, a discussion of the connection between poverty and populist radical right voting is offered, as well as a consideration of whether inequality should be considered unimpactful on populist radical right voting since redistribution is. This latter discussion is left as an open question with a call for more research into the psychological impacts of redistribution
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