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Politica e narrazione nel XVII secolo: il romanzo politico italiano di età barocca
A differenza di quanto accade per altre tipologie romanzesche, il romanzo politico italiano del Seicento non gode a tutt’oggi di una consistente bibliografia . Ciò è da ricondurre ad un duplice ordine di fattori: da una parte, tale tradizione è senz’altro meno nutrita di quanto non accada in altri Paesi europei (Francia, Germania e Inghilterra in primis); dall’altra, la necessità di difendersi da una censura che poteva prendere, e di fatto spesso prese, il volto della persecuzione da parte delle autorità religiose e politiche costrinse gli autori ad indossare una maschera di dissimulazione. Non è un caso che questa tradizione prosperi in Paesi come quelli su ricordati, nei quali era notoriamente vigoroso un dissenso religioso verso l’autorità della Chiesa romana.
Ciò equivale a dire che la parte più cospicua del romanzo politico italiano di epoca barocca è da leggere in chiave polemica e sotto il velame del travestimento satirico o giocoso. Tuttavia, tale operazione di mascheramento, sicuramente maggioritaria, non è esclusiva, come testimoniano i violenti pamphlets anti-barberiniani di Ferrante Pallavicino, che gli costarono la vita. Inoltre, la pratica del mascheramento assume, nei diversi casi, forme molto differenti; anzi, alcuni degli autori considerati nel presente studio fanno riferimento alla gestione spavalda di generi letterari differenti allo stesso scopo. Ne consegue che il romanzo politico assume spesso, nel Seicento italiano, forme camaleontiche, presentandosi con fattezze tali da indurre a confonderlo con generi o sottogeneri affini.
Piuttosto simili appaiono, per provenienza geografica e sociale e, soprattutto, per formazione ideologico-culturale, i profili dei principali romanzieri politici secenteschi. La maggior parte di essi, infatti, era in qualche modo legata alla Repubblica di Venezia e alla veneziana Accademia degli Incogniti, fondata da Giovan Francesco Loredan nel 1630; affiancò alla carriera letteraria una carriera più propriamente politica; si formò in ambienti legati all’ateneo patavino, dalla tradizione smaccatamente aristotelico-eterodossa, o libertini.
Il presente studio ha preso le mosse da un’analisi delle diverse forme di contatto tra politica e narrazione riscontrabili nella letteratura di epoca barocca. Tale “contaminazione” poteva manifestarsi in forma diretta e concretizzarsi in specifici generi letterari, quali la trattatistica politica, la storiografia, la libellistica, il romanzo storico e pseudostorico, o dare vita a romanzi eroico-cavallereschi, che presentavano temi e personaggi tratti dalla storia coeva o dai contemporanei dibattiti politici. In altri casi, invece, la “contaminazione” avveniva in forma indiretta ed allusiva, attraverso meccanismi letterari di varia natura, che permettevano ai romanzieri di inserire più o meno specifici riferimenti alla sfera storico-politica nelle loro opere narrative. I più frequenti di tali stratagemmi erano il tradizionale topos delle carte ritrovate, il più recente motivo dello svaligio del corriere e l’espediente della chiave letteraria. Quest’ultimo permetteva di inserire, all’interno delle opere romanzesche, riferimenti cifrati alla storia e alla politica recenti o contemporanee, camuffandoli all’interno della narrazione, dando così vita a romanzi fantastici con specifici passaggi a chiave , ovvero a romanzi politici veri e propri.
Per romanzo politico si intende qui una sottocategoria del genere romanzesco che presenta una identità propria, distinguendosi da generi e sottogeneri affini (come, ad esempio, il romanzo storico). Peculiarità distintive del romanzo politico sono la presenza di una qualche forma di mascheramento – che di norma si concretizza in una o più delle suddette strategie di camuffamento; la pervasività del sistema allegorico ; la presenza di un “patto” autore-lettore; e la finalità “eversiva” della scrittura. Il romanzo politico è dunque un’opera romanzesca ascrivibile, di primo acchito, al genere fantastico (erotico o eroico-cavalleresco); dietro la veste favolistica, tuttavia, si cela un messaggio “altro”, di natura politica, che l’autore ha scelto di camuffare per ragioni prudenziali. Affinché il lettore potesse penetrare oltre il significato letterale del testo e cogliere il “vero” messaggio dell’autore, doveva essere tuttavia allertato dell’esistenza del doppio fondo allegorico. Per tale ragione, di norma, il romanziere inseriva esplicite dichiarazioni in sede prefatoria ovvero delle “spie” nel corso della narrazione, invitando così il proprio pubblico a stringere con lui un “patto” interpretativo .
Solo dopo aver adeguatamente definito il campo di indagine è stato possibile offrirne uno studio accurato, a partire dall’individuazione di quello che ne deve essere considerato l’archetipo: l’Argenis, romanzo scritto in latino dall’erudito franco-scozzese John Barclay, la cui princeps apparve a Parigi nel 1621. È stata quindi proposta l’analisi di due romanzi politici di area italiana, l’Eromena di Giovanni Francesco Biondi, edita a Venezia nel 1624, e L’ambasciatore invidiato di Ferrante Pallavicino, pubblicato a Venezia nel 1639; e di alcuni casi limite, la cui attribuzione alla categoria letteraria in questione risulta tutt’altro che scontata: La lucerna di Francesco Pona, edita a Verona nel 1625, l’Eudemia di Gian Vittorio Rossi, apparsa coperta da pseudonimo e senza luogo di stampa nel 1636, e La fuggitiva di Girolamo Brusoni pubblicata a Venezia nel 1639.
I capitoli conclusivi della tesi, infine, sono stati dedicati allo studio di due esempi di romanzo politico italiano di epoca secentesca, Il Brancaleone di Latrobio, crittonimo di Giovan Pietro Giussani, edito a Milano nel 1610, e La maschera iatropolitica di Francesco Pona, pubblicata a Venezia nel 1627. I romanzi sono stati diffusamente analizzati da un punto di vista narratologico, tematico e formale e per entrambi è stata avanzata una proposta di de-allegorizzazione, con conseguente svelamento del messaggio politico cifrato ad essi affidato.Contrary to what happens with other types of novels, nowadays the Italian political novel of seventeenth century does not have a considerable bibliography . The majority of the political novels of Italian baroque age needs to be read allegorically and polemically, as the result of a voluntary alteration of its real meaning. However, this strategy of camouflage, though prevailing, is not exclusive, as shown by the rude pamphlets of Ferrante Pallavicino, in which Pope Urbano VIII was brutally criticized and which their author was killed for. Moreover, the strategy of camouflage could assume very different forms and some of the authors considered in the present study used various literary genres together for the same purpose. Thus, the Italian political novel of seventeenth century often appear original and nonconventional, causing confusion with similar genres and subgenres, such as the historical novel.
On the other hand, the main figures of novelists of Baroque age seem quite similar, due to their geographical and social origin, and, above all, to their cultural background. Most of them, indeed, were linked to the Republic of Venice and to the venetian “Accademia degli Incogniti”, founded by Giovan Francesco Loredan in 1630; most of them started a political career in addition to the literary one, working as ambassadors, informers or as real politicians; most of them grew and studied in those environments connected to the University of Padua, which had a long and strong Aristotelian and heterodox tradition, or to the Libertine and nonconformist phenomenon.
In consideration of the above mentioned scarcity of the bibliography and of the fact that the political novel has been scarcely considered in the past, it has been necessary to approach the present research gradually, starting from the analysis of the different form of contact between politics and narration offered by Baroque literature. As widely shown in the first chapters of the dissertation, the contact could be “direct” generating, as a result, works belonging to specific literary genres, such as political treatises, historiography, political pamphlets and historical novels; this kind of contact could also originate heroic novels with themes and characters taken from history and politics as well. On the other hand, the contact could be “indirect” and allusive, due to different literary tricks, which offered the novelists the possibility to hide references to past or present history and politics in their narrative works. The most frequent of those stratagems were the traditional topos of the “discovered manuscript”, the most recent one of the “robbed courier” and the literary clef. The last one allowed the writers to hide ciphered references (related to contemporary reality) in their novels. Thus, we had fictional novels with limited parts à-clef, or, alternatively, real romans-à-clef.
As far as I’m concerned, the political novel is a sub-category of the genre novel, which has a proper identity, that distinguishes it from similar genres and subgenres (such as the historical novel) and makes it independent from them. The political novels of seventeenth century show fixed peculiarities that have to be taken into consideration when analyzing a narrative work in order to include it in the category or not. Its fixed features are the presence of some forms of camouflage – that usually takes the form of one of the previous strategies of hiding; the continuity of the allegorical system ; the presence of a sort of “agreement” between the author and the reader; the “subversive” purpose of the writing. So, a political novel is a novel that appears as a fictional one (a love or a heroic novel). Though, a different political message is hidden behind the fictional mask. The author has decided to hide it because of precautionary reasons. In order to suggest to go beyond the literal meaning, catching the real message of the writing, the novelist had to send some sort of signal to the reader. That’s why he used to insert clear announcement in the prefatory pages or clues throughout the narration, suggesting that the public make an agreement with him and catch his allegorical message.
Once defined the specific field of research, it has been possible to go through it, starting from the identification of the archetype of the Italian political novel of the Baroque age. It is the Argenis, a novel written in latin by the French-Scotish scholar John Barclay, which princeps appeared in Paris in 1621. Then, two Italian political novels have been analyzed: the Eromena, by Giovanni Francesco Biondi, edited in Venice in 1624, and the Ambasciatore invidiato, by Ferrante Pallavicino, published in Venice in 1639. Some borderline cases have been pointed out too: La lucerna by Francesco Pona, edited in Verona in 1625, the Eudemia by Gian Vittorio Rossi, appeared hidden with pseudonym and without printing information in 1639, and La fuggitiva by Girolamo Brusoni, published in Venice in 1639. In these cases, it appears really complicated to definitively include the novels into the category we are talking about.
Finally, the last chapters of the dissertation have been destined to the study of two examples of political novel of the Italian Seventeenth century: Il Brancaleone by Latrobio, pseudonym of Giovan Pietro Giussani, edited in Milan in 1610, and La maschera iatropolitica by Francesco Pona, published in Venice in 1627. Both of them have been analyzed in detail: their plot, their narrative system, their main themes, their form and languages have been studied. Moreover, it has been made a proposal of political interpretation about them
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koamabayili/VECTRON-author-checklist: VECTRON author checklist
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