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Theoretical explanations for the Minsk II: Power, preferences, and interactions examined
Get PDFWhy do countries sign but not implement peace agreements? The Minsk II intended to solve the Ukrainian Crisis, but implementation has been slow and violations of the cease-fire occur routinely. I selected three theories to examine the Minsk II: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. I utilized the concepts of military power, preferences of the leaders signing, and time and type of meetings to try and determine why the leaders of Ukraine, Russia, Germany, France, and the separatists in Eastern Ukraine, signed the agreement but did not implement it. I found strong evidence to suggest that the preferences of only key implementers matter, and some evidence to suggest that meeting in-person and conducting exhaustive negotiations are more productive than phone-calls.Submission original under an indefinite embargo labeled 'Open Access'. The submission was exported from vireo on 2018-09-27 without embargo termsThe student, Katherine Brown, accepted the attached license on 2018-07-16 at 06:30.The student, Katherine Brown, submitted this Thesis for approval on 2018-07-16 at 06:34.This Thesis was approved for publication on 2018-07-16 at 15:26.DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #12882 on 2018-09-27 at 10:48:42Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T16:17:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2
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Previous issue date: 2018-07-1
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014
Get PDFThe state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR).
France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3
Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations?
This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum
Between Perceptions and Threats — The Fraught EU-Russia Relationship. EUMA Papers Vol. 5, No. 3 January 2008
Get PDF[From the introduction]. Even while the energy market is a real dilemma, the EU-Russia relationship is ‘special’ due to a wide number of issues that they share (political, economical, diplomatic, military and so on), and their search for common agreements. In the middle of these tensions, it seems that the major issue comes from a lack of communication between both parties. Many questions need to be raised, such as: how does the EU perceive Russia and vice-versa? What kind of policies should the EU use to promote peace and democracy in Eastern Europe? Is Russia representing any sort of threat to the evolution of the EU? In order to answer to these questions, this paper will first identify the perceptions of each actor toward the other. Second, the connections between the EU and Russia will be discussed. Third, the threats posed to one another will be identified
The European Union, Tunisia and Egypt: norms versus interests - thoughts and recommendations. EUMA Paper Vol. 8, No. 2, February 2011
Get PDFTunisia and Egypt are two very different situations due to economic and geopolitical reasons. Egypt is a central actor in the Israeli-Palestinian discussions.3 It also controls the Suez Canal, one of the main world maritime transit hubs. In recent days, the price of oil has skyrocketed over $100 a barrel. Egypt is also a major ally of the US and Western European states in the war against Al-Qaeda and Islamic terrorism. Last, the West is worried that a brusque change of power could lead to a radicalization of Egyptian politics. The Muslims Brotherhoods have been described as the main power in opposition in Egypt and a potential leading power in a post-Mubarak Egypt.
This paper will look at the way the EU has handled – or mishandled – the two revolutions by looking at its main actors: the European Union, the High Representative, and three EU Member States – France, United Kingdom, and Germany
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