1,901 research outputs found
RIC-HSCT for MF/SS
Advanced-stage mycosis fungoides and Sezary syndrome (MF/SS) have a poor prognosis. Allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT), particularly using a reduced-intensity conditioning (RIC) regimen, is a promising treatment for advanced-stage MF/SS. We performed RIC-HSCT in nine patients with advanced MF/SS. With a median follow-up period of 954days after HSCT, the estimated 3-year overall survival was 85.7% (95% confidence interval, 33.4-97.9%) with no non-relapse mortality. Five patients relapsed after RIC-HSCT; however, in four patients whose relapse was detected only from the skin, persistent complete response was achieved in one patient, and the disease was manageable in other three patients by the tapering of immunosuppressants and donor lymphocyte infusion, suggesting that graft-versus-lymphoma effect and "down-staging" effect from advanced stage to early stage by HSCT improve the prognosis of advanced-stage MF/SS. These results suggest that RIC-HSCT is an effective treatment for advanced MF/SS
Preparation of mono-sized epoxy/MF microcapsulesin the appearance of polyvinyl alcohol as co-emulsifier
For epoxy microcapsules embedded in concrete as mechanic-triggered self-healing adhesive, globular shape with uniform size is the basic requirement to ensure the solid shell broken and the liquid core released at a designed stress. In this paper, monodispersed melamine\u96formaldehyde (MF) resin-walled epoxy E-51 microcapsules were successfully fabricated in an in situ polycondensation process, in which a certain amount of polyvinyl alcohol (PVA) solution was added as coemulsifier to control the microcapsules\u92 shape and size. Detail investigation shows, with the cooperation of PVA, the microcapsule morphologies and size distribution were ease to be adjusted by the parameters such as emulsifying agents, agitation rate, pH value and acidification time
Sāsana Over Secularity : A Discourse Analysis of the Role of Religion for the National League for Democracy in Transitional Myanmar
The study of religion within the field of political science is growing. This thesis aims to contribute by studying religion and Myanmar’s leading (and currently governing) pro-democracy party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). The NLD is a valuable case, as Buddhism has played an important role in Burmese politics, including in the democratization efforts. Religious minorities have suffered the consequences of this - as seen in the ‘Rohingya crisis’. Furthermore, little research has been done on the NLD since Myanmar began to transition to democracy in 2011.
This thesis addresses the research question: What is the role of religion for the NLD in transitional Myanmar? The two sub-research questions are:
1. What is the NLD’s official stance on religion?
2. How does religion impact the NLD’s policy choices?
This thesis is based on empirical evidence gathered through fieldwork in Myanmar. A discourse analysis of twelve in-depth interviews with Burmese politicians, political activists and monks leads to three hypotheses:
1. The NLD does not have a meaningful formal stance on religion. It envisions itself as a party adhering to 'liberal' democratic values, including being ‘secular’.
2. Buddhism has an unofficially privileged position in the NLD. The NLD engages with Buddhist sources of legitimacy and actively defends its relationship to Buddhism – as seen by the removal of its Muslim candidates in the 2015 election.
3. The NLD’s relationship with religion is largely contextual. The unofficial privileging of Buddhism appears when political adversaries accuse the NLD of not being able to protect Buddhism.
These findings have theoretical implications and demonstrate that studies of politics in Buddhist contexts must be cognizant of the continued importance of the state being seen as a protector of Buddhism, and that Western political conceptions (such as secularity) cannot neatly be applied to Buddhist contexts
ACT Family Violence Intervention Program review
This paper reports on a review of the Australian Capital Territory’s Family Violence Intervention Program, which provides an interagency response to family violence matters.
The scope of the review was to analyse the program’s activities and outcomes using 2007–08 data provided by participating agencies, supported by in-depth interviews with key stakeholders including victims whose matters had been finalised in court. After the completion of this report, additional data from 2008–09 and 2009–10 was made available by some Family Violence Intervention Program (FVIP) participating agencies. Although not within the scope of this evaluation, these data pointed to some preliminary improvements in the FVIP
NF membrane fouling by aluminum and iron coagulant residuals after coagulation-MF pretreatment
The effects of coagulant residuals on fouling of a nanofiltration (NF) membrane were investigated. Experiments were carried out with a laboratory-scale microfiltration (MF)-NF setup and a pilot MF-NF plant. In the laboratory-scale experiments, NF feed water was pretreated with poly-aluminum chloride (PACl) or alum followed by MF. NF membrane permeability declined when the feed water contained residual aluminum at 18 μg/L or more, but not when it was lower than 9 μg/L. When pretreated with ferric chloride, no substantial decline of NF membrane permeability was observed: residual iron did not affect the permeability. When SiO2 was added to the water before the pretreatment with PACl, the NF membrane permeability declined at about double the speed. Thermodynamic calculations and elemental analysis of foulants recovered from the membranes indicated that the majority of inorganic foulants were compounds composed of aluminum, silicate, and possibly potassium. In the pilot plant, NF feed was pretreated by PACl. Transmembrane pressure for NF doubled over 4.5 months of operation. Although the aluminum concentration in the NF feed was not high (30 μg/L), analysis of membrane foulants revealed excessive accumulation of aluminum and silicate, also suggesting that aluminum residuals caused the membrane fouling by alumino-silicates or aluminum hydroxide
Hva mener norske ungdommer om konspirasjonsteoretikere?<subtitle>En analyse av Fritt Ords konkurranse for videregående skoleelever</subtitle>
I denne artikkelen utforsker jeg norske ungdommers meninger om konspirasjonsteorier og konspirasjonsteoretikere. Jeg bruker data fra Fritt Ord-konkurransen i 2023 og analyserer ungdommenes bidrag kvalitativt gjennom en modell inspirert av Susan Fiskes Stereotype Content Model. Modellen kategoriserer meninger basert på varme/kulde og nærhet/distanse og gir et rammeverk for å forstå ungdommenes nyanserte syn på dette temaet. Forskningen bidrar til et begrenset forskningsfelt og gir innsikt i hvordan ungdommer oppfatter konspirasjonsteorier i konteksten av skole og sivilsamfunn
Controversial Issues and the Rhetoric of Common Values
In this article, I identify a broad, international ‘rhetoric of common values’, which hinges on the poorly supported assumption that values should be promoted because the sharing of values are the basis for social cohesion in groups. Through discussing two cases, I identify, analyse and critique key features of the empirical phenomenon that I call the rhetoric of common values. The two cases are the British government response to the so-called ’Trojan Horse’ incident in 2014, and Norwegian core curricula since 1974. Previous research has critiqued the use of the term ’fundamental British values’ as being unhelpful when schools teach controversial issues. The results of my analysis provide international breadth, some historical depth and metaphorical structure to our understanding of how the rhetoric of common values is used in education policy today. The article focusses less on dilemmas faced by teachers and more on the context of choice established ‘upstream’ by education policy. I argue that it is timely and important for teachers in religious education to understand the rhetoric of common values. It is a contemporary and politically relevant way in which religion is mobilised and politicised for exclusionary forms of national identity. Avoiding the rhetoric of common values does not mean avoiding values in education policy. The rhetoric of common values identitizes values. This causes the terms ‘values’ to be mobilised in boundary work separating ‘us’ from ‘them’, thus undercutting a better role of values in education policy: to reflect upon, and make relevant in life, guidelines for future action
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