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Session 1 : Community governance and participatory democracy : Peace process, candlelight revolution and political change in Korea
Get PDFOn Day 3 (15 June 2018), in the session of “Community Governance and Participatory Democracy”, LEE See-Jae (The Catholic University of Korea, South Korea) delivered a lecture on Peace Process, Candlelight Revolution and Political Change in Korea.
The video is produced by Global University for Sustainability, 2018
Session 3 : Reviewing the Korean experience
No full textOn Day 3 (15 June 2018), in the session of “Reviewing the Korean Experience”, the moderator was TENG Wei (South China Normal University, China). There were four speakers. SIT Tsui, Margaret Jade (Southwest University, China) and Lau Kin Chi (Lingnan University, Hong Kong, China) talked about women’s peace symposium in Seoul and a women’s peace walk crossing DMZ. LEE Jung-Ok (Daegu Catholic University, South Korea) delivered a lecture on “Understanding Women and Peace in Korea”. LEE See-Jae (The Catholic University of Korea, South Korea) explained on the possible integration of Korean Peninsula and East Asia.
The video is produced by Global University for Sustainability, 2018
Social and Political Changes in East Asia and Political Empowerment of New Social Movements
No full text1980년대이후 한국, 대만, 필리핀 등 동아시아의 여러나라에서는 민주화운동이 활발하여 신사회 운동에게 유리한 정치적 기회구조를 확대시켰다.민주화운동은 동아시아에서의 냉전체제의 붕괴와 맞물려 국가, 시민사회, 시장사이의 역학관계의 변화를 가져왔다.신사회 운동은 민주화의 공고화 단계에서 제도화, 세력화하는 경향이 있다.여기서 말하는 세력화는 권력의 이동과, 정부와 시민 사회간의 권리와 의무의 변동을 기준으로 파악할 수 있다.신사회 운동의 제도화와 세력화라는 측면에서 보면, 필리핀의 신사회 운동은 제도화와 세력화에 가장 성공하였고, 한국과 대만에서는 세력화라는 측면에서는 평가할 수 있지만, 제도화에 성공하였다고 볼 수는 없다.또 중국의 경우에는 신사회 운동이 아직 맹아기에 있기 때문에, 제도화와 세력화와는 거리가 멀다.일본에는 최근 NPO법을 제정하는 듯 상당히 제도화가 진행되고 있지만 세력화했다고는 말할 수 없다.이 연구에서는 신사회 운동은 제도화를 통해서 세력화하는 경우도 있지만, 제도화가 반드시 세력화를 담보하지 못한다는 것도 확인하고 있다.
In East Asian countries such 8s South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines, democratization movements have been so active as to expand political opportunity favorable for new social movements(NSMs). Democratization movement aligned with the fade-out of the Cold War, changed the dynamism between the state, civil society and market in this region. NSMs in the East Asian countries tended to become empowered and institutionalized at the stage of consolidation of democracy. A NSM can be referred to he empowered if it could work to transfer the political power and bring about the changes in rights and duties between the state and the civil society. In terms of institutionalization and
empowerment the NSMs of the Philippines were most successful, whereas NSMs in South Korea and Taiwan could be appreciated in empowerment but they could not succeed in institutionalization in the political process. NSMs in China remain embryonic, and cannot be evaluated in term of both empowerment and institutionalization. Japanese NSMs became institutionalized as manifested in the enactment of the law to support NPO activities, but research that the NSM can be empowered through institutionalization, but institutionalization does not necessarily guarantee the empowerment of the NSM
A Study on the Japanese Urban Neighborhood Organizations - With a Special Reference to Chonaikai -
No full textChonaikai is a typical urban neighborhood organization in Japan, and has twofold characteristics : neighborhood autonomy and auxiliary functions to the local administration. This research aims to make clear how the Japanese social system is operated on the level of local society, and to what the integration and stability of Japanese society are attributed, and how the world of Japanese public opinions is formed.
Over 90% of the Japanese residents participate in neighborhood organizations such as Chonaikai, Jichikai, etc., The functions of these organizations in daily lives of Japanese are extensive from information networking to mutual help at the time of a funeral service. The organizational characteristics can be summarized as following: (1) membership system (3) comprehensive and diffuse functions (4) auxiliary functions to local administration (5) monopoly by the region.
Chonaikai was legislated as a smallest part of local administraion in the 1940s, and was used as machines to mobilize local people in the War, After the Second world War was over, the General Headquarters of the Allied Forces order Chonaikai to be dissolved. However, Chonaikai revived, not as the smallest unit of local administraion, but as the autonomous neighborhood organization after the Sanfrancisco Peace Treaty was concluded in 1952. Urban sociologists, political scientists, and journalists were severely critical of the revival of the Chonaikai, because it had been used to sustain feudalistic and militaristic system during the War. However, in the 1960s and after, there appeared some other scholars who evaluated it as "the pattern of Japanese culture", "a key to understanding Japanese society" or the basis for orderliness of Japanese society.
Major roles and statuses of Chonaikai organization are occupied by the self-employed shop owners and former policemen or government officials. They are major social forces that create and lead localist public opinion. On the other hand, we find other groups of new middle class and various civil movements, who are indifferent to or critical of the Chonaikai. These latter groups create and lead more universalistic public opinion
A Study on the Role of a Japanese Progressive Local Government in Improving the Environmental Pollution - A Case Study of Kawasaki City -
No full textKawasaki in Japan had been well known as a city of pollution since it had been a center of heavy and chemical industry in modern Japan, and had to care a large number of the victimized. Problems of the pollution began to be dramatically mitigated after a progressive local government inaugurated in 1971. In the 1960"s, approximately 5,000 children and the elder citizens, women were victimized of air pollution, emitted from the large factories such as the NKK(Nippon Kokan Kabusikikaisha), Toshiba, and Ajinomoto. People in Kawasaki organized themselves to counter pollution problems in the late 1960"s, and regional labor union also took up the pollution problems as one of their political agendas.
In the 1971 election, labor leaders and citizens" movement persuaded the Japanese Social Democratic Party and the Japan Communist Party to form a political coalition to defeat the candidate from the Liberal Democratic Party. This political coalition gave birth to the a progressive local government in Kawasaki.
The progressive local government ordered the pollution companies to change the pollution-intensive energy sources, and pushed the companies to install the telemonitoring system to record on-line emission of pollutants. These measures impressively reduced the air pollution in three to five years. The city of Kawasaki concluded an agreement with the polluting companies to prevent the air pollution, which included a strict investigation of the company when a pollution problem occurred. The city government also enacted stricter regulation of pollution. By this new regulation each company was alloted a limit of pollution. The city government of Kawasaki also revised an ordinance for pollution prevention, and enacted an ordinance for the environmental impact assessment. The city government persuaded the polluting companies to donate funds, and set up the Counter-Pollution Assistance Foundation to help the victimized.
This research implies following points in terms of social movement and change: first, the pollution problems could be substantially solved through a progressive political coalition at the level of local autonomy government. On the basis of this political forces, the polluting companies can be changed into pro-environmental ones. Secondly, persistent anti-pollution movement of the local people contributed to politicize the problems of pollution in election campaign. Local people"s movements had been active even before the inauguration of the progressive government, but they made effective use of the progressive political space to conclude agreements for counter-pollution with the polluting companies. Thirdly, the substantial political forces behind the birth of the progressive local government were labor unions. since labor unions had organizational power as well as political funds. Even though the labor movement and anti-pollution people"s movement did not form a direct coalition, they could cooperate each other within the framework of the progressive political space.
In conclusion, this research shows that it is essential to make a political coalition between labor movement and local people"s environmental movement, and eventually to construct a progressive local power
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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