1,721,075 research outputs found
Nationalist Symbol of a Nation Divided: The Paradox of France's Joan of Arc, 1940-1944
No full textThis thesis aims to compare the ways in which Joan of Arc was portrayed by the\ud
French Resistance with the way she was depicted by the collaborationist Vichy government between 1940 and 1944. The fact that she could represent a Republican,\ud
anti-clerical, nationalist platform such as Charles de Gaulle's while also representing a staunchly Catholic, authoritarian, collaborationist agenda such as Philippe Petain's\ud
begs an analysis of the ways in which her history was contorted and forced to fit into\ud
their respective ideologies. Examining the validity and consistency of each political platform and comparing it to the way in which Joan of Arc was portrayed in that\ud
government reveals through art why Charles de Gaulle's ideology was more successful than Philippe Petain's. The analysis of Joan of Arc during this period is also accompanied by an analysis of another nationalist representational figure—la Marianne. Tracing the rise, fall, and re-birth of Marianne alongside the rise and fall of Joan of Arcs helps to explain how nationalist symbols can reflect the divided political atmosphere that, in this case, stemmed from the socio-political instability caused by the Dreyfus Affair during the French Third Republic. An analysis of the post-war atmosphere alongside the change in symbolic representation of France also reveals how Joan of Arc and Marianne contribute to the French people's denial of their collaboration with Nazi Germany and war crimes against the Jews. After\ud
examining the difference between the two different representations of Joan of Arc and comparing her to Marianne, this thesis also explores the similarities between the\ud
two figures in an attempt to unveil certain consistencies in order to determine the\ud
way that the French generally feel about themselves as a nation
Dubcek's Balancing Act: The Struggle to Preserve Reform and Revolution in Czechoslovakia, 1968-1969
No full textWhen Alexander Dubcek took over the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in\ud
1968, he embarked on an ambitious reform program meant to create a better relationship between the Party and the people of Czechoslovakia. The reform program guaranteed \ud
liberties and freedoms that had been denied by the previous Communist regimes, the country embraced Dubcek and his reforms as a symbol of hope. The Soviet Union\ud
leadership, drawing upon their previous experience with Hungary in 1956, felt threatened by the reforms in what they considered a "satellite state", as non-Communist parties formed and the press used their new freedoms to criticize the Soviet Union. The Soviets sought to ensure that the Communist Party would retain its leading role in governing the\ud
state, and demanded that the Soviet Union retain its influence with the Czechoslovakian Communist Party. The conflict between Dubcek's reforms and Soviet pressure resulted in the August 21st Invasion of Czechoslovakia by its Warsaw Pact allies, in order to prevent what they saw as counter-revolution from going any further. The invasion failed to depose the reformist leadership due to the outpouring of popular support they received\ud
from the nation. The Soviet leadership then opted to instead slowly erode Dubcek's political position, so that months after the Invasion Dubcek was the only reformer left\ud
among the Party leadership. Dubcek struggled against the Soviet pressure to "normalize" the situation and abandon the reform program, by using his personal authority among the people to maintain calm and order without restricting their freedoms. Eight months after the Invasion though, in April 1969, it became apparent that Dubcek would be unable to hold his political position against the more opportunistic members of the Communist\ud
Party of Czechoslovakia. Dubcek resigned and his successor, Gustav Husak,\ud
immediately reduced the reforms to a distant dream, not to be realized for two more decades
Batting for Power: 1960s Latino Baseball Players and their Challenge To the Cold War American Ethos
No full textBaseball in its history and tradition has become ingrained within the identity of the\ud
United States. Dubbed the 'National Pastime,' the game of baseball is emblematic of the\ud
traditional American values of democracy and capitalism through the value on indiyidual\ud
accomplishment in a team-oriented competition. Currently, Major League Baseball-features an\ud
enormous Latino population excelling in the sport synonymous with the American Dream. These\ud
foreign players partake in this a summer tradition that inherently values the past and creates\ud
myths out of the all-American players such as Bob Feller, Mickey Mantle and Ted Williams. In\ud
this thesis I examine the early stages of Latino integration into a game that was enveloped within\ud
traditional American rhetoric prior to their entrance. I found that the inclusion of Latino players\ud
into Major League Baseball and the American cultural dialogue coincided with one of the most\ud
politically uncertain eras in United States history—the 1960s.\ud
The defining feature of this era was the Cold War, a conflict that pervaded the American\ud
politics and culture within American borders and internationally as well. In response to the\ud
growing Soviet threat, white Americans subscribed to an American ethos of exceptionalism as an\ud
integral facet of the Cold War. Furthermore, the Civil Rights movement overshadowed the first\ud
half of the decade, while the responses to the Vietnam War featured prominently in the second\ud
half. In both the Civil Rights movement and the political unrest of the latter half of the decade\ud
the validity of the new American ethos of exceptionalism was constantly up to debate; thus,\ud
baseball, as the 'American' sport, was a key arena in which this discourse took place.\ud
Throughout the conflict-ridden decade, baseball and politics would create a tacit yet powerful\ud
dialogue, each influencing the other in recondite manners in an environment rife with cultural\ud
and political uncertainly.\ud
When Latinos brought their home-grown passion for the game to the North American\ud
public sphere, the white American media attempted to exclude the Latinos by attempting to\ud
disassociate their character with that of the Cold War American ethos. At the start of the 60s the\ud
media's portrayal of Latinos garnered public support, but as the decade progressed and sociopolitical\ud
frustrations grew within the American public, the Latino players eventually forged a\ud
place for themselves within the American cultural narrative. A clear transformation took place\ud
within both the players and their reception on the American stage by the end of the decade. This\ud
transformation of the players and their public representation was framed by an era of immense\ud
cultural changes throughout the United States. These players were certainly products of the era\ud
in which they played; yet, they also contributed to the changing attitudes as well.\ud
Though these players lacked American citizenship, it became increasingly clear that they\ud
embodied the values of the Cold War American ethos. Thus, their persistent skill paved the way\ud
for Latinos to express their heritage within the American public sphere
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Exploited Foreign Products: Corporate Agriculture's Control of Life and Government in Cold War America
No full textThe traditional history of the Cold War centers on the communist influence in America. Viewing the history from 1950 ti 1964 with this lens forces events within this time period to be constricted within this framework. However, limiting Cold War history to this particular lens allows for the history of agriculture in the Southwest to be forgotten. Public Law 78 is rarely discussed as a lens that the Cold War can be viewed from, but by viewing the events during the Cold War through this lens a new Cold War history emerges that is dominated by corporate agricultural interests of the Southwest and not by foreign policy and communism
Yiddish Secular Education: An American Institution
No full textYiddish secular education in America, an institution evolved from the Jewish political radicalism of eastern European cities, was carefully revised and reoriented for the American environment upon its transatlantic transplantation in the early twentieth century. These Yiddish secular schools, bastions of Jewish culture and socialist politics,gained firm traction in the\ud
United States among the burgeoning Eastern European immigrant population and enjoyed a\ud
fruitful fifty-year reign from 1910-1960. They stood in sharp contrast to the insular Orthodox. Jewish heder schools established by the religiously traditional immigrant majority, hailing from\ud
Russia's rural Pale region. As opposed to the rote Bible study of the heder, Yiddish secular\ud
schools self-consciously applied progressive educational methods to perpetuate a cultural\ud
Jewishness in America that complemented the national atmosphere of cultural pluralism. This thesis examines the ways in which Yiddish secular schools taught their students to cherish their ethnic heritage while emphasizing how it enhanced, not contradicted, their American lives. The\ud
schools' core curriculum featured Yiddish language and literature, Jewish history and current\ud
events, as well as a diversity of holiday celebrations. Throughout all the subjects covered in their schools, Yiddish secularists artfully employed American themes and socialist ideology to\ud
develop dual American and Jewish identities within their students. A one-of-a-kind experimental\ud
educational project, Yiddish secular education in America not only reflected the goals of its\ud
Jewish immigrant founders, but also the dynamic, modernist, and diverse national culture of the\ud
period
Mothering the Right Way: American Public Motherhood and Food Advertising, 1880-1929
No full textThis thesis explores the relationship between mothers, scientific experts and food\ud
advertisers in the turn-of-the-century United States. Industrialization and urbanization created a thriving consumer society in the early 20th century, and at the same time created a new national community of women. Before the industrial revolution, women could not\ud
participate in American political debate, and their role in public society and connection to\ud
the larger world remained limited. This began to change in the 19th century as social action and consumerism brought women outside the home, and conversely, brought the outside world into the domestic sphere through the media of magazines, advertisements\ud
and child-rearing manuals.\ud
I argue in this thesis that women nationwide eagerly engaged in new, public expressions of their motherhood beginning in the late 19th century. By examining the records of women's clubs as well as editorials and letters written by women, I present a picture of their conceptions of their roles as workers and mothers. Acting to improve public health and child welfare, mothers projected their concerns, fears and desires for\ud
their own children into the work they did in public. In particular, women joined together\ud
in clubs to lobby for pure food legislation, create libraries and parks, and educate their\ud
fellow mothers about how to raise healthy children. Their work was a huge success overall, lauded by local governments and highly publicized in the press.\ud
I posit that the visibility of women's work and concerns ultimately implicated\ud
them, however, in oppressive webs of consumerism and scientific dominance. Food\ud
companies and scientific experts began to aggressively re-inscribe the concerns of publicly active women onto all mothers, distorting and exploiting those concerns to promote their own interests. Advertisers and manual writers successfully learned to manipulate the burgeoning market of public mothers by adopting their narratives of child\ud
welfare to incite fear. Their tactics were wildly successful, and fueled the rapid development of the food industry, supporting the introduction of hundreds of new processed and packaged foods in the market. Moreover, manuals and advertising\ud
homogenized American motherhood by precipitating notions of "the right way" to raise\ud
children which excluded all other methods as ignorant or even dangerous. By examining\ud
food advertisements and expert narratives in conjunction with records of women's work, I unpack the complex, multi-directional links of influence between the three
"We Came Because Our Open Eyes Could See No Other Way": The Lives and Experiences of the International volunteers During the Spanish Civil War
No full textThe Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939 began as a military revolt by those opposed to the new left-wing Popular Front government, but the world soon interpreted it as a war between Communism and Fascism. This idea was reinforced by the support offered by fascist Germany and Italy to the rebel Nationalists, while the Soviet Union, through the Comintern, supported the beleaguered Spanish Republic. These nations quickly co-opted the conflict, using the Nationalists and the Republicans as proxies through which to fight their own ideological battles. While the Germans and Italians offered the Nationalists use of their soldiers, the Republic used the Comintern to attract an estimated 35,000 individuals from all over the world to volunteer to serve in the newly raised International Brigades. While the Nationalists did not actively search for volunteers, a number of individuals from an estimated 53 nations volunteered to fight for them. In this thesis I shall examine the experiences and motivations of four volunteers-–the ex-Irish Republican Army officers Eoin O'Duffy and Frank Ryan, who volunteered for the Nationalists and the Republicans respectively, and the Cambridge-educated English intellectuals Peter Kemp and John Cornford, who volunteered for the Nationalists and the Republicans respectively. Through an examination of these four lives, I shall show that, while they were for the most part deeply concerned by the situation in Spain, their decisions to volunteer were products of the political situations in their home countries of England and Ireland, and the Spanish Civil War served as a substitute for other wars that they were unable to fight
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