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<Article>On the development of the First Nationalist-Communist United Front
No full text個人情報保護のため削除部分あり一九二四年一月の第一次国共合作の成立により、広東省の広州には国民革命の実現を標榜する新しい政治勢力が出現した。しかし国共両党間の組織上の勢力争いや政治路線をめぐる対立から、徒らに混迷がくり返されていた。加うるにこの政治勢力の内部には多くの独立した軍隊が存在して財政をほしいままにしており、新しい政治勢力が国民革命勢力へと発展するためには、各軍を統率下におき行政体系を整備することが第一の課題であった。この課題を実現した原動力は、蒋介石を校長とする黄埔軍官学校で養成された軍事力であった。この軍事力を核として二五年の一月には宿敵の陳炯明が打破され、更に六月には内部の癌であった楊希閔と劉震寰の率いる軍隊が粛清される。そしてこの基礎の上に七月には国民政府が樹立され、国民革命への第一歩が踏み出された。しかし国民政府内部には新たな対立が発生し、状況は再び波瀾をむかえることになる。Following the establishment of the First Nationalist-Communist United Front in January of 1924 there appeared in the city of Guangzhou 広州 Guangdong province 広東省 a "new political group" intent on carrying out a National Revolution. Despite the ostensible "United Front" the Nationalists (Guomindang 国民党) and Communists were in fact in a state of confrontation as they attempted either to gain superior influence in the Guomindang's party structure or to ensure that the National Revolution was carried out according to their own political line. This "new political group" included a number of warlords who were independent of the political leadership of the Guomindang and who held control of provincial finances. Thus the first imperative in carrying out the National Revolution was to bring these warlords under the complete control of the Guomindang The new military force fostered in Huangpu Military Academy 黄埔軍官学校 under its principal Jiang Jie-shi 蔣介石 played a major role in completing this task. Chen Jiong-ming 陳炯明, an implacable enemy of the Guomindang, was defeated by a force led by Huangpu cadets in January of 1925. Subsequently Yang Xi-ming 楊希閔 and Liu Xin-huang 劉震寰, 'cancers' inside the Guanzhou "new political group", were finally purged in July of the same year. On the basis of the control the Guomindang was able to gain over these warlords through such victories the National Government was established in the July. Thus the first step towards the National Revolution was made. However new confrontations appeared in the National Government which, once again, threw the situation into confusion
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
<Review>John K. Fairbank and Albert Feuerwerker (ed.) The Cambridge History of China, volume 13 Republican China 1912-1949, Part 2
No full text<Article>On the Formation of the First Nationalist-Communist Cooperation
No full text個人情報保護のため削除部分あり第一次国共合作は複雑な政治状況のなかでかろうじて成立した協力関係であった。合作の目的は「国民革命」の実現であり国共両党の党員のあいだには思想面での共通性だけではなく人間関係も存在していたが、両者は「国民革命」の実現方法では異なった道をあゆんでいた。共産党は国民党を合作の対象とはみなしておらず今日では軍閥として否定的にしか評価されない陳烔明や呉佩孚に接近していた。国民党も共産党を対等の政治勢力とはみなしていなかった。両者を結びつけたのは中国内に親ソビエト勢力をもとめていたコミンテルンとソビエト政府であった。しかし国民党側の西欧列強や軍閥への接近と、共産党側の反発により合作は難行する。結局は共産党の陳炯明や呉佩孚との関係が破綻し、国民党も西欧諸国にあいてにされず互いにあゆみよることになり合作は成立する。しかし両者のあいだの矛盾は日をおってふかまりつつあった。The First Nationalist-Communist Cooperation was established with difficulty under complicated political situations. The aim of the Cooperation was to carry out the "National Revolution". Among the members of both the Natinalist and Communist partits, existed not only personal relations but also some similarities in political thought. Both sides, however, were to employ different means to accomplish the Revolution. The Communists did not regard Nationalists (Kuomingtang) as partners in performing the Revolution. They had close relations with Ch'en Chiung-ming 陳炯明 and with Wu Pei-fu 呉佩孚, both of whom are regarded as nothing but warlords today. On the other hand, the Nationalists didn't regard the Communists as equal partners with enough political influence either. Under these circumstances, the Communist International and Soviet government tried to make Communists and Nationalists cooperate to establish a pro-Soviet power in China. However, because of the Kuomingtang's leaning towards Western powers and because of strong opposition from the Communists, it was difficult to make both sides enter the Cooperation. Finally, Communist relations with Ch'en Chiung-ming and Wu Pei-fu were ruined and Kuomingtang was not accepted by Western powers, it, therefore, became necessary for both sides to approach each other in order to form the Cooperation. However, the contradictions between the two parties became more and more serious despite their official Cooperation
<Articles>The Peasant Movement in Kwangtung 広東 during the First Nationalist-Communist Cooperation
No full text第一次国共合作後、広東省では中国最初の組織的農民運動が開始された。当時、省内各地には軍閥が割拠し、国民党の勢力はきわめて弱体であった。国民党には、是非とも農民を組織する必要があった。農民運動を指導したのは共産党員であった。各地に農民協会が樹立されはじめると、郷村の紳士・地主の権力機構である「民団」とのあいだに、衝突がおこった。階級闘争を否定する国民党の側からは、共産党員が農民運動を牛耳り、いたずらに衝突を引きおこすという非難が集中した。しかし、省内の統一過程にあっては、農民協会の発展は少くとも国民党に有利であった。広東省が統一されると、国民党は農民の要求に答えなかった。農民の反撥に対しては、行政干渉という非難がおこなわれた。民団と農民協会の衝突にも、治安を乱すという非難があびせられた。さらに、北伐の開始は、後方の安寧確保という名のもとに、農民の要求を封じこめた。一方、農民運動は、ごく一部の地域をのぞいては弱体であった。また、北伐の後方基地という情況からも、省内では郷村政権の奪取というスローガンは、だしえなかった。このようないきづまりのなかで、広東省農民運動は、圧殺されていった。After the first Nationalist-Communist Cooperation, the initial systematic peasant movement in China was started in Kwangtung Province. In these days, there were various military factions in the Province and the Nationalist Party's strength was extremely weak. There was an absolute necessity for the Nationalist Party to organize peasants. Leaders of these peasant movements were members of the Communist Party. When agrarian societies were beginning to form at various places, there were conflicts occurring between the societies and the "settlement cooperations" which were authoritarian structure by the proprietary classes in villages. From the side of the Nationalist Party which denying any class strife, accusation was concentrated on the members of the Communist Party that they were ruling peasant movements to cause conflicts in vain. In the process of province unification, however, development of agrarian societies turned at least favarable to the Nationalist Party. Upon unification of Kwangtung Province, the Nationalist Party failed to respond to the peasants' demands. About peasants' resistance they accused it of administrative interference. Accusation was also made to the conflicts between the "settlement cooperations" and agrarian societies that they were disturbing public peace and order. Furthermore, the initiation of subjugation over the North contained the peasants' demands under the name of maintenance of stability and peace on the civilian front. On the other hand most of the peasant movements were weak excepting those at very limited districts. Moreover, being the base behind the line of subjugation, a slogan for accession to power in villages could not be carried out in the Province. Having come to such a complete standstill, peasant movements in Kwangtung Province were being crushed down
<書評>Edward J. M. Rhoads, China's Republican Revolution : The Case of Kwangtung, 1895-1913
Full text link個人情報保護のため削除部分あ
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
<Academic News>Response to ISHIKAWA Yoshihiro's critique of "The First United Front in China"
No full text個人情報保護のため削除部分あ
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Full text linkWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
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