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Antimicrobial Oil-in-Water Nanoemulsions: Synergistic Effect of Nisin and Carvacrol against Bacillus subtilis
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<Articles>Michael III and the "Gefolgschaft" : The Emperor and the Ruling Structure in the Ninth-century Byzantine Empire
No full text個人情報保護のため削除部分ありドイツのビザンツ研究者である H. G. Beck は、ビザンツ帝国の社会の特色を説明するにあたって社会的流動性の高さを重要なファクターとして考え、「従者団」という概念を導入して説明を行なった。それに対して本稿では始めに、Beck がその例としてあげた九世紀中盤の皇帝、ミカエル三世の「従者団」について分析し、「従者団」が実際には祉会的上昇の手段としては利用されてはおらず、その成員はミカエル三世と共に政治の実務を行なっていた高官たちであったことを囲らかにした。 事実、ミカエル三世の時代には、ビザンツ帝国を取り巻く状況の変化に伴なって中央行政機構の中枢にいた高官たちがきわめて大きな政治的発言力を有するようになっていた。それゆえ本稿ではさらに、ミカエル三世時代はこのような状況下でいかにして自らの政治的裁量権を確保したかを考察した。ミカエル三世の「従者団」は高官に対して発言力を獲得するためのミカエル三世の対策の一環だったのである。H.-G.Beck, the German Scholar of the Byzantine Empire, explained the Byzantine social structure by using the term "Gefolgschaft (Following)." He asserted that Byzantine society had very high social mobility, and for this reason, a stabilized ruling class could not take shape. The "Gefolgschaft" of Emperor Michael III (842-867) plays an important role in Beck's argument. Becks analysis has had a significant influence upon the study of Byzantine society. But his approach has its own shortcomings, some of which can be addressed with the help of more recent scholarship, like that of F.Winkelrmann. In this paper, the author builds on Winkelmann's work and considers the influence of the "Gefolgschaft" upon ninth-cepeury Byzantine social structure. This paper makes it clear that Michael III's "Gefolgschaft" consisted in fact of high-ranking officials. Accordingly, Beck's theory that the Byzantine Empire, was characterized by high social mobility does not fit the region of Michael III. Instead, it can be seen high-ranking officials could even become at obstacle to an emperor who wanted to rule by his own will alone. This raises the question of how Michael III dealt with high officials and administered the empire. This paper demonstrates that in order to have his own way, Michael III constructed an extensive kinship network, within which he occupied the dominant position, and further formed a group of close associates who were high officials and were faithful to his will. Through the use of strategies, Michael III succeeded both in imposing his own administrative will and in preserving a stable ruling structure
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
<Notes>The Political Management of Byzantine Emperor Basil I (867-886)
No full textByzantine Emperor Basil I (r. 867-886), who had usurped the Imperial throne by murdering the former emperor Michael III (842-867) and the Kaisar (Caesar) Bardas (Michael III's uncle), did not have a firm base to operate effectively in the political sphere. Basil I was thus forced to depend on the army, which had supported him before his accession as co-emperor in 866. Of course, Basil was not satisfied with this situation and attempted to establish a close relationship with high-ranking officials (Senators) by choosing a new, loyal staff. Basil's efforts were not successful, and he could not overlook opposition to his rule toward the end of his reign. Basil suppressed their actions violently, and expelled his son and co-emperor Leon (VI) from the throne in 883, claiming that Leon was the leader of the opposition. Although many scholars have argued that Patriarch Photios plotted Leon's downfall, it was actually accomplished under the leadership of Basil I. It has generally been thought that Photios also plotted against Basil I. However this claim is also incorrect. It was unlikely that Photios would have plotted against Basil I, because his position and political influence depended on the support of Basil I. Although Basil I's position was stabilized by these actions, the situation was ephemeral. Tensions between Basil I and high-ranking officials continued, and in the last years of his reign most units of the army stationed in Constantinople (Tagmata) also opposed the emperor; thus, Basil I lost his most credible political base. As a result, the Senate and army took a defiant attitude toward him, and he was forced to reinstate Leon as a co-emperor in 886. We can perceive from this course of events that it was necessary for Byzantine emperors to build intimate relationships and consult both high-ranking officials and the army in order to manage politics effectively. It has been assumed that the Byzantine Empire (especially during 9th-10th century) had a centralized political system in which emperor, who stood atop the hierarchy, exercised despotic and unrestrained power. Indeed, Byzantine emperors occasionally took despotic action, as did Basil I in 883. However, the case of Basil I also shows that there were distinct limitations on the "despotic" power of Byzantine emperors. When the relationship between emperor and influential figures grew precarious, challenges to the emperor were manifest in the form of advice or plots. Basil I also encountered a plot in the spring of 886, and was pressed to reinstate Leon due to the exhortation of Senators and especially Stylianos Zautzes, Basil's reliable subordinate and Hetaireiarches (Commander of Imperial Bodyguards). Although Byzantine emperors could exercise the supreme power within the Byzantine political mechanism, emperors could not disregard the intentions of other powerful members of this mechanism in managing the affairs of state
<Articles>The Dynamics of the Election of the Byzantine Emperors in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries : The Emperors of the "Age of Anarchy"
No full text個人情報保護のため削除部分あり七世紀末から八世紀初頭の約二〇年間、ビザンツ帝国は頻繁な政権交代と、それと密接に関連した内政の混乱に悩まされていた。このような「混乱の時代」に終止符を打ったのがレオン三世である。本稿では「混乱の時代」からレオン三世への政権交代期の皇帝選出のダイナミクスを分析していく。従来こうした分析に際しては、テマなどの軍の影響力が重視されてきた。だが本稿での検討から、地方に拠点を置くテマ＝軍のみならず、中央政府の要職を占めていた人々の動向も無視することができなかったことが明らかとなる。レオン三世は、「混乱の時代」の皇帝たちが果たせなかった、地方と中央の双方の支持を集めることに成功し、それがレオン三世が長期にわたって帝位を維持できた要因となったのである。For a period of about twenty years, from the end of the seventh century to the beginning of the eighth century (695-717), the Byzantine Empire experienced great confusion in its internal affairs: rebellions and conspiracies against emperors occurred frequently, and all emperors during the period were deposed violently. It was not until the accession of Leo III (717-41) that this "Age of Anarchy" was brought to an end. This study analyzes the dynamics of the election of emperors during the "Age of Anarchy" and the first years of Leo III's reign. A number of Byzantinists have previously given consideration to the influence of the theme, corps of the Byzantine army, in the elections during this period. Considerable attention has also been paid to the actions of the Theme of Opsikion, which was stationed near Constantinople, and to the significance of it being an Imperial Guard directly attached to the throne. Indeed, we cannot ignore the actions of the theme in examining the political circumstances of the empire during this period. But we must focus not only on the theme stationed in the countryside, but also the high-ranking civil officials in Constantinople. For example, when Artemius, the Protasekretis (minister of the imperial secretary) was crowned and renamed Anastasius II (713-15), he acquired the support of the officials of Constantinople and the demes, factions of the circus, which were under the influence of the high-ranking officials. However, the theme scarcely played a significant role in this coup d'etat. Throughout Anastasius II's reign, the relations between the emperor and the various theme, especially the Theme of Opsikion, were strained. For this reason, the Theme of Opsikion revolted against him in 715 and made Theodosius III (715-17) the new emperor. Theodosius III, however, failed to gain the support of the central administration and those theme, other than the Opsikion. Due in part to this failure, he was deposed. In this way, all emperors during the "Age of Anarchy" failed to obtain the support of either the theme or the central administration, or both. On the other hand, Leo III succeeded in acquiring the support of both. He was an experienced general and he had been a strategos (military governor of a theme), of Anatolikon before his succession. In addition, many high-ranking officials of the central administration supported him; many of whom had supported Anastasius II in 713. The reason high-ranking officials approved of Leo III can be attributed to his early career. He had been appointed strategos of Anatolikon by Anastasius II and had revolted against Theodosius III shortly after Anastasius II was deposed. Leo III is likely to have had a close relationship with Anastasius II, who had also sought to build a close relationship with the ablest general in order to gain the support of the theme. For this reason, many high-ranking officials of the central administration supported him in 717. In conclusion, this thesis argues that it was necessary to gain the support of both the central administration and the theme in the countryside in order to maintain the rank of emperor during this period. Leo III succeeded in this, and for this reason, he was able to maintain his place on the throne for over twenty years
<Articles>To Become the 'Heir' of the Roman Empire: Byzantium, Arabs and the Mediterranean in the Seventh Century (Special Issue : Civilization)
No full text六三〇年代以降、アラブがビザンツ帝国の領域への侵攻を開始し、シリア・パレスティナ地域やエジプトなどが短期間にビザンツ帝国の手から奪われた。当初ビザンツ帝国の人びとは、アラビア半島からの侵攻者がどのような人びとであるのか、十分に理解できていなかった。だがアラブ国家が安定し、彼らとのさまざまな形の交渉が進むにつれて、アラブがどのような人びとであるのか、ビザンツ帝国の人びとも徐々に理解していく。そしてアラブとの対峙が続く中で、自らを「神の加護を得ている皇帝が支配するキリスト教徒の共同体・地域=ローマ帝国」とみなすアイデンティティも再確認されていった。一方アラブもビザンツ帝国を滅ぼすことができなかったため、「ローマ帝国の後継者」となることができなかった。そのためビザンツ帝国との併存が確定的となった七世紀末以降、独自のイスラーム文明を形成していく道を選ぶことになる。From the 630's, the Arabs penetrated into the territory of the Byzantine Empire and occupied Syria, Palestine, and Egypt by the 640's. The Arabs also invaded the Sasanian Empire and completely annexed Sasanians in 651/52, and as a result they formed a vast and powerful empire. But the emergence and the expansion of the Arabs had another significance : the Arabs also created new Islamic civilization. In the first phase of the Arab invasion during the 630's, the Byzantines could not fully understand the Arabs. The Arabs had been called "Sarakenoi (Saracens)" and identified with "Agarenoi (descendants of Hagar)" or "Ishmaelitai (descendants of Ishmael)" from Late Antiquity, but the word Sarakenoi (and also Agarenoi and Ishmaelitai) did not connote any religious meaning. So during the 630's, the Byzantines (and other Christians and Jews) could not understand the Arabs' faith adequately, and often regarded the Arabs as simply pagans. The Byzantines also expected that the Arabs would disappear in a short time. Because the Byzantines bore yet in mind that the Sasanians had invaded and ruled Syria and Egypt during the 610 - 620's but their rule ended abruptly due to the striking victory of Byzantine Emperor Heraclius (r. 610-641) in 628. However, as the Arab state became stable, and knowledge of the Arabs increased, the Byzantines and Christians outside of the Byzantine Empire gradually understood that the Arab state was much more powerful than the Byzantine Empire, and that the Arabs had been developing their own faith. The first Arab attack against Constantinople in 654 is of particular importance. In 654, after the preparations of a much larger number of troops and an armada, the Arabs penetrated into the Byzantine Empire and quickly reached Constantinople. But the Arab fleets suffered considerable damage as the result of a heavy storm, and their land forces were also forced to withdraw. This incident is important in two respects. At first, the Byzantines became more conscious of their own weakness and Arab strength. Therefore from the 650's, the Byzantines immediately began the reforms of their defenses and administration to respond to this serious situation. Secondly, the Arabs had been defeated and withdrew because of the heavy storm. This was interpreted to mean that Byzantium and the Byzantine Emperor had received God's special providence. From the 630's, Emperor Heraclius and his grandson Constans II (r. 641-668/69) had been heavily criticized due to their monenergist and monothelete doctrines, and their critics like Maximus the Confessor asserted that the Arabs' rapid expansion and the defeat of the Byzantines had been caused by the emperor's heretical policy : Maximus and his supporters insisted that the sinful religious policy of Heraclius and Constans II had provoked God's anger. However, the "victory" in 654 proved that not only Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire but also the Emperor had been receiving God's protection. In other words, the "victory" over the Arabs in 654 proved the Emperor's religious doctrine was right. Confrontation with the Arabs continued from 660's onwards, and the Arabs again intensified their efforts to conquer the Byzantine Empire. But the Byzantines withstood tenaciously and even began to counterattack the Arabs in the 670's. Under such circumstances, the Byzantines further reinforced the belief that the Byzantine Empire and the Emperor received God's Providence. For them, the Roman Empire meant the Christian community ruled by an Emperor for whom God provided divine protection. On the other hand, the Arabs could not extinguish the Byzantine Empire, and they were forced to coexist with Byzantium over a long period. So, the Arabs could not become the sole 'heirs' of the Roman Empire and Roman civilization, and on account of this, they chose to form their own Islamic civilization from the end of the seventh century
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