29,379 research outputs found
Shang han fu yi
No full textV.1-4. 傷寒論註 : 四卷 / 張機原文 ; 柯琴編註 ; 馬中驊較訂 -- v.5-6. 傷寒附翼 : 二卷 / 柯琴編 ; 馬中驊較.V.1-4. Shang han lun zhu : si juan / Zhang Ji yuan wen ; Ke Qin bian zhu ; Ma Zhonghua jiao ding -- v.5-6. Shang han fu yi : er juan / Ke Qin bian ; Ma Zhonghua jiao.柯韻伯先生原本.綫裝.框18x12.7公分, 10行21字. 白口, 四周單邊, 單黑魚尾. 版心上鐫題名, 中鐫卷次及小題, 下鐫葉次.題名據內封頁.書名頁刻"傷寒來蘇集, 古吳葉天士評批, 慈溪柯韻伯先生原本, 文聚堂梓"前有乾隆乙亥[1755]馬中驊序, 言刻書事.《中國中醫古籍總目》00697著錄清乾隆二十年[1755]刻本.鈐"莊兆祥印"朱, 白文各一方.Xian zhuang.Kuang 18 x 12.7 gong fen, 10 hang 21 zi. Bai kou, si zhou dan bian, dan hei yu wei. Ban xin shang juan ti ming, zhong juan juan ci ji xiao ti, xia juan ye ci.Ti ming ju nei feng ye.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Detailed notes in vernacular field only.Ke Yunbo xian sheng yuan ben.Qian "Zhuang Zhaoxiang yin" zhu, bai wen ge yi fang
for Inkjet Printing of Mg-Ion Asymmetric Micro-supercapacitors
No full textPage 7308, line 1 of the author list, Mr. Jui-Han Fu is incorrectly listed as the second author. He should instead be listed as having contributed equally to this work. This erratum does not affect any of the experimental results, discussions, or conclusions reported in the paper. The authors sincerely apologize for this unintended oversight. Steps have been taken to prevent similar problems from occurring in the future.published_or_final_versio
DIETARY CONDITIONS AND DIFFERENTIAL ACCESS TO FOOD RESOURCES AMONG THE VARIOUS CLASSES DURING THE HAN PERIOD
No full textIn this thesis, I study how food resources and dietary conditions were determined by social and economic status during the Han period in China, B.C. 206~A.D.220. Even though earlier scholars have published research concerning the Chinese food culture of this period, these studies were limited in that they only illustrated the dietary culture of the upper class or the available food resources in one geographic area. Also, without any persuasive data, it has been assumed by these earlier scholars that there were big differences in food resources and food consumption between the upper and lower classes. In this thesis, for comparison among the classes, I divide the social and economic classes into five stratified groups: nobles, officials, peasants, soldiers and convicts. After a brief introduction of the nature of each social class, I examine the food resources and nutritional condition of each group using information such as the wealth and income of each group, the market price of food resources, the agricultural products of peasants, and the amount of food distribution to soldiers and convicts. I found these data from archaeological remains, received historical records and pictorial data, and excavated texts. This research shows a broader view of Chinese dietary condition focusing not only on the variety of food resources of nobles, but also on the different food accessibilities among the officials, and the food deficiencies of peasants. It also deals with the situations of food supply for soldiers and convicts in an effort to reveal the true dietary consumption and nutritional conditions for all Chinese. This research proves that the various classes during the Han period in China had different food resources and dietary conditions
Gong Kechang, Studies on the Han Fu, translated and edited by David R. Knechtges (with Stuart Aque, Mark Asselin, Carrie Reed, and Su Jui-lung), American Oriental Society (American Oriental Series, vol. 84), 1997
No full textHolzman Donald. Gong Kechang, Studies on the Han Fu, translated and edited by David R. Knechtges (with Stuart Aque, Mark Asselin, Carrie Reed, and Su Jui-lung), American Oriental Society (American Oriental Series, vol. 84), 1997. In: Études chinoises, vol. 21, n°1-2, Printemps-Automne 2002. pp. 289-293
The Sao Style fu of the Middle Tang: Liu Zongyuan's Sao-style Fu中唐的騷學——柳宗元騷體文的命題藝術
No full textChinese Fu (Rhapsody): Genre Studies and Theories197-216Singapor
Sê-fu (嗇夫) of Han Dynasty
No full textThe obligation of Se-fu (嗇夫) listed in Han-shu Pai-kuan-kung-ch'ing-piao (漢書百官公卿表) and Hsu-han-shu Pai-kuan-chih (續漢書百官志) was to collect taxes and to charge a court in Hsiang (鄉). This kind of Se-fu was called Hsiang Se-fu. Beside it, however, there seem to have been thirteen kinds of Se-fu in Han Dynasty, all different in obligations. Therefore, the Se-fu was a common official title and that of Hsiang represented only a kind of it
Comment on HAN Yu's fu
No full text韩愈贞元、元和两个时期的赋作 ,在思想内容和艺术特色上具有不同的特点。韩赋反映了封建社会在用人方面的失误和不公 ,有一定的进步意义 ,但缺乏深刻的思想内容。艺术上韩赋短小简要、构思新颖、语言精炼 ,突出体现了以文为赋的特征。韩赋虽有自己独特的艺术风格 ,但抛弃了散体大赋的诸多长处 ,缺少鸿篇巨制 ,故在赋史上不可能产生太大的影响力HAN Yu's fu which were written during Z Yuan and YuanHe periods of Tang Dynasty shew different characteristecs in ideological contents and artistic features.As far as the ideological contents were concerned,Han Yu's fu had some positive meanings for their reflecting the mistakes and unfair phenomena in the selection of persons with ability in the feudal age.As to the artistic features,HAN Yu's fu held the special characteristic of small,simple,new conceiving and refined words,ln a word,HANYu's fu couldn't have great influence in Chinese literaturehistory for their small construction and lack of great works,though they had shown certain special artistic features
Fanyu Chen shi Dongshu cong shu : chu han 4 zhong fu 1 zhong /
No full textThe first 4 works have special title pages, engraved 1848-84?[1-2] Han ru tong yi : 7 juan -- [3-4] Sheng lü tong kao : 10 juan -- [5-7] Qie yun kao : 6 juan wai pian 3 juan -- [8-9] Han shu di li zhi shui dao tu shuo : 7 juan fu Kao zheng Deqing Hu shi Yugong tu Chen Zongyi zhuan.No more published?Mode of access: Internet
Fu Describing About the Author Himself: A Focus on Ban Gu "You tong fu"
No full textFrom Later Han dynasty onwards, the number of fu describing about the author himself has increased. There are several possible reasons for this, but the most important reason is probably that there was no other genre through which one could express oneself except for fu in this period. For instance, the fiveword poetry was still in the middle way of establishing its own style at that moment. Moreover, in Former Han, there were few opportunities for authors to talk about themselves in detail in fu, because the main readers were emperors and kings of countries. In Later Han, the readers had become more diverse. That is probably the reason why more fu began to mention about the authors themselves in this period. Ban Gu (32-92), who is a representative scholar of Later Han and also a man of letters, expressed his aim by writing "You tong fu". Its main content is that though one's encounter with a disaster or felicity is not always derived from our behavior, we have to have a strong will and take action to overcome disasters. This idea is supported by Ban Gu's experiences of not attaining his aim. Such experiences are common in Chinese authors. One of the earliest examples is Chu Ci. Also, Chu Ci is the one of the origins of fu. It is surprising that authors expressed things about themselves mostly in fu describing journeys. It may be easier to understand this tendency if we think they substituted the heaven wander in Chu Ci with a ground journey. Chu Ci was a model for authors to express their aim which could not come true, even if the journey on the ground and the wander in heaven are different
On K'o-han-fu-t'u Ch'êng 可汗浮図城 (concluded)
No full textThe author’s conclusion of the location of K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch’eng 可汗浮図城 is as follows:After the conquest of Kao-ch’ang-kuo 高昌国, the T’ang Dynasty established Hsi-chou 西州 in Kao-ch’ang 高昌 and the center of T’ing-chou 庭州at K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng. There were Chin-man-hsien 金満県 and P’u-lei-hsien 蒲類県 in the domain of T’ing-chou. In the former hsien, Chin-man-ch’eng 金満城 was set up to govern Chou-t’ing 州庁 and Hsien-t’ing 県庁 of T’ing-chou. In 702 (2nd year of Ch’ang-an 長安), Pei-t’ing tu-hu-fu 北庭都護府 was established at the ch’eng (fortress), which is supposed to be the ruin of Hu-pao-tzu 護堡子 to the north of Jimsa.Dr. Matsuda and the late Dr. Abe thought that K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng was located in Wu-t’u-ku 務図谷 (Pa-no-p’a of today), but the author suggests they both misunderstood the description of the Chapter of Geography of Shin-t’ang-shu 新唐書.Studying the routes of T’ang’s Kao-ch’ang expedition, the Ko-to-lü 葛選禄 at the battle against Uygur, and T’ai-tsu 太祖 of Liao 遼 to the west the author presumes that P’u-lei-hsien was at the place of K’o-han-fu-t’u Cheng, which was an important focus leading to Northern Mongolia, in the northern foot of the T’ien-shan range. In other words, P’u-lei-hsien was established where there had been K’o-han-fu-t’u Ch'eng, and the hsien was on the plain (recorded as Fu-t’u-ch’uan 浮図川) 80 li to the east of Chin-man-ch’eng.journal articl
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