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Why darwinian reductionism is dangerous to persons?
No full textThe Bachelor thesis explores relations between two understandings of human being – naturalistic and ontological – and the concept of dignity. It is assumed that anthropological interpretation of a person must ultimately evolve into the justification of a legal entity and establish a normative dimension on the political scene. The dignity of the person here is important as a category that denotes the awareness of duties and responsibilities to society. In the same way, the society must assume its duty and responsibility in respect of each person recognized as dignified. Different understandings of human being are presented by analyzing philosophical perspectives of three authors: Peter Singer, Robert Spaemann and Hans Jonas. Peter Singer, following Darwin’s thought, concideres human being as purely natural being. Author rejects the principle of the sanctity of human life and proposes a new definition of person based on empirical characteristics. Singer attempts to establish science-based ‘Practical Ethics’ that would ensure equality of different biological species. Instead of objective moral values Singer suggests the principle of equal concideration of interests. In his philosophy animals are considered to be a part of moral community, while embryos, people with brain damage, infants are removed from the moral sphere. Dignity is no longer seen as a priori given to human beings. Meanwhile, both Robert Spaemann and Hans Jonas claim undeniable value of human existence. Spaemann opposes the Darwinian perspective and provides an ontological interpretation of personhood. According to Spaemann, dignity is a predicate of humanity, because only human beings are created in the image of God and only humans are considered to be moral beings. Jonas proposes slightly different ontological argument. Philosopher refers to the principle of teleology and argues that the existence of every being – not just human being – is by itself meaningful. Moreover, the principle of teleology in author's reasoning becomes the main cause of responsible action towards animals and nature. The thesis consists of two main parts. The first part compares the functional and ontological understanding of the person proposed by the authors. The second part deals with different understandings of moral commitment. Following questions are considered: what characteristics define person, what is considered to be a dignified existence, how is the moral behavior understood, how is moral community understood, is the dignity considered to be the cause and purpose of responsible action. It is argued that, the position of Spaemann and Jonas, claiming the self-worth of the person and the moral autonomy of the person, which enables practical reasoning, is identical to the understanding of human being affirmed by Western institutions. Meanwhile, the functional approach to personhood and morality presented by Singer contradicts the concept of inherent dignity of the human person, affirmed in various resolutions and declarations of international bodies and national constitutions. If human being is considered as purely natural being, absolute and unconditional values – first and foremost the dignity of the person and the stable responsibility towards this dignity – are rejected. In addition, ‘Practical Ethics’ based on preference utilitarianism does not provide a solid basis for moral commitment to another person. Within Singer's reasoning, killing – depending on the being whose interests are affected and the number of confronting interests – is considered a morally grounded act. No being is recognized as irrevocably valuable. In conclusion the naturalistic interpretation of human being, which associates person with physical characteristics and moral action with the deduction of the greatest benefit, is dangerous because it is not sufficient to justify the inviolability of dignity. The concept of dignity requires metaphysical assumptions about humanity
CARLO SCHMITTO POLITINĖS TEOLOGIJOS STATUSO PROBLEMA
Full text linkStraipsnio tikslas – Carlo Schmitto politinės teologijos statuso analizė. Siekiama įrodyti, kad Schmitto pristatyta koncepcija negali būti suprasta kaip teisės sąvokų sociologija, kaip ją kai kuriuose darbuose apibūdino pats autorius. Ji taip pat negali būti aiškinama kaip teologijos dalis, kaip tai daro daugelis dabartinių interpretuotojų. Schmittas „politinės teologijos“ vardu pavadino politikos teorijai priskirtiną projektą, pagrįstą teologinių prielaidų įvedimu į filosofiją. Tai primena XIX a. katalikų reakcionierių Josepho de Maistre’o, Louiso de Bonaldo ir Juano Donoso Corteso politinę filosofiją.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: politinė teologija, teisės sąvokų sociologija, politiškumas, katalikų politinė filosofija
Carl Schmitt’s Political Theology: The Status Problem
Linas Jokubaitis
Abstract
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt’s political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called “political theology”. This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt’s attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
Keywords: political theology, sociology of juristic concepts, Catholic political philosophy.
Roberto Spaemanno kontrrevoliucinės politinės teologijos kritika
Full text linkThe aim of the article is to prove that Robert Spaemann’s interpretations of the inversion of teleology, Bonald’s political theology and nihilism of the right can be applied in a critical analysis of Carl Schmitt’s decisionistic counterrevolutionary political theology. Schmitt formed his theoretical positions by developing the insights of the doctrines of Thomas Hobbes and Catholic counterrevolutionary political theorists. Spaemann’s analysis shows that the author of Leviathan presented a political theory based on the inversion of teleology in which self-preservation was understood as the highest aim of politics. Bonald’s political theology radicalizes the Hobbesian tradition, the necessity to preserve social order at any price becomes the absolute goal of politics. In a functionalistic ontology of nihilistic right which is based on the inversion of teleology, Christian belief is functionalised, it becomes a tool which is used in attempts to secure the preservation of society. Spaemann’s critical interpretation of political nihilism shows that Schmitt’s political theology can be understood as a reaction to the nihilism of the left, however, it asserts the position of the nihilism of the right in which the aim of the state is understood by absolutising the principle of in suo esse perseverare.Straipsnio tikslas – įrodyti, kad Roberto Spaemanno pateiktos teleologijos inversijos, Bonaldo politinės teologijos ir nihilistinės dešinės interpretacijos gali būti taikomos kritiškai analizuojant Carlo Schmitto kontrrevoliucinę politinę teologiją. Vokiečių juristas teorines pozicijas formavo remdamasis Thomaso Hobbeso ir katalikų kontrrevoliucionierių politinėmis doktrinomis. Spaemanno analizė rodo, kad Leviatano autorius pateikė teleologijos inversija grindžiamą politinę teoriją, kurioje savisauga pradėta suvokti kaip aukščiausias politikos tikslas. Bonaldo politinėje teologijoje, radikalizuojančioje hobsiškąją tradiciją, absoliučiu politikos tikslu tampa būtinybė bet kokia kaina išsaugoti visuomenę ir jos tvarką. Teleologijos inversija grindžiamoje nihilistinės dešinės ontologijoje krikščioniškas tikėjimas yra funkcionalizuojamas, jis tampa priemone siekiant išsaugoti visuomenę. Spaemanno politinio nihilizmo kritinė interpretacija rodo, kad Schmitto politinė teologija gali būti suprasta kaip reakcija į kairės nihilizmą, tačiau ji žymi nihilistinės dešinės pozicijos teigimą, kai valstybės tikslas apmąstomas suabsoliutinant in suo esse perseverare principą
Alexandre’as Kojève’as ir Carlas Schmittas: politiškumas, teologija ir istorijos pabaiga
Full text linkThe aim of the article is to demonstrate that Carl Schmitt’s and Alexandre Kojève’s ideas about the political and the end of history have to be seen in the light of their theological presuppositions. The article defends the position that Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political is based on attempts to look at the problems of political anthropology from theological perspective, in which the dogma of original sin plays a central role. Kojève’s anthropotheistic system presents an inversion of this perspective, his ideas about the end of politics and history are inseparable from attempts to reduce theology to anthropology. His atheistic system of immanence provides a confirmation of Schmitt’s idea that the disappearance of the political is incompatible with the dogma of original sin. Kojève’s notion of the end of history and his concept of universal homogeneous state are formed by attempts to look at the concept of the political ex negativo. For Schmitt Christian theology provides a guarantee that the world will not be depoliticized, that enmity between humans will not be overome. French philosopher’s political theory is based on the idea that the end of history and the disappearance of the political would mark the actualisation of secularized Christian teaching. Kojève’s revised ideas about the destiny of humanity at the end of history, his position that humanity will return to animality, have to be understood in the context of his discussions with Schmitt.Straipsnio tikslas – pademonstruoti, kad Carlo Schmitto ir Alexandre’o Kojève’o samprotavimai apie politiškumą ir istorijos pabaigą turi būti suprasti juos formuojančių teologinių prielaidų kontekste. Straipsnyje ginama pozicija, kad Schmitto Politiškumo sąvoką grindžia pastangos politinę antropologiją apmąstyti iš teologinės perspektyvos, kurioje svarbiausia vieta tenka prigimtinės nuodėmės dogmai. Kojève’o antropoteistinė sistema žymi tokios perspektyvos inversiją, jo samprotavimai apie politikos ir istorijos pabaigą yra neatskiriami nuo teologijos redukavimo į antropologiją. Prancūzų filosofo ateistinė ir imanentinė sistema netiesiogiai patvirtina Schmitto poziciją, kad politiškumo nunykimas negali būti suderintas su prigimtinės nuodėmės dogma. Kojève’o mokymas apie istorijos pabaigą ir universalią homogenišką valstybę žymi pastangas Schmitto politiškumo koncepciją apmąstyti ex negativo. Juristui krikščioniška teologija garantuoja, kad pasaulis negali būti depolitizuotas, priešiškumai tarp žmonių negali būti įveikti. Prancūzų filosofo politinę teoriją grindžia nuostata, kad istorijos pabaiga ir politiškumo įveikimas žymėtų sekuliarizuoto krikščioniško mokymo realizavimą. Kojève’o patikslinta istorijos pabaigos versija, kurioje skelbiamas žmogaus sugrįžimas į gyvuliškumą, turi būti suprasta jo diskusijos su Schmittu kontekste
Unappreciated dimension of Carl Schmidtt's thought.
No full textOne can understand the essence of political theology better by looking at it as a polemic against political romanticism. The analysis presented in this paper tries to show that one has to understand Schmitt’s work as based on fundamental tension between what can be described as political romanticism and political theology. Contemporary political thinkers have found the work of Schmitt very stimulating. This paper aims to show that by understanding political romanticism as one of his fundamental polemical opponents we can gain a better understanding of Schmitt and contemporary political reality
C. Schmitto politinė filosofija: „Politische Romantik“ svarba.
No full textThe aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt‘s early work „Political Romanticism“ (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt‘s researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in „Political Romanticism“ we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt‘s political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt‘s conception of political romanticism shows that „Political Romanticism“ has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that „Political Romanticism“ is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt‘s political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt‘s conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt‘s unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt‘s conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation
Nuolatinio kritikos atnaujinimo poreikis kaip jos paviršutiniškumo simptomas
Full text linkThe aim of the paper is to reveal the theoretical implications behind the contemporary striving for novelty in the field of critical theory. For a few decades the practical irrelevance of critical theory has been determined by what can be described as an indirect approach to the fundamental political, social, and economic problems. Today the adherents of critical theory find the problems not in the concretely existing social reality; rather, these problems are “discovered” in new books, academic journals, and conferences. Quarrels about secondary problems in the field of critical theory have become more important to academics and intellectuals than serious discussions about the most obvious and serious political and social problems. If the proponents of critical theory do not want to remain engaged in a purely verbal and conformist game they need to stop chasing after intellectual fashions. To regain theoretical and practical relevance one has to begin from the fundamental questions of man, society, and politics. The revision of critical theory has to begin from the fundamentals, not from the roof.Tyrimo tikslas – atskleisti vieną iš šiuolaikinės kritinės teorijos neradikalumo šaltinių. Jau keletą dešimtmečių kritinės teorijos praktinis nereikšmingumas nulemtas to, ką galime vadinti „netiesioginiu“ priėjimu prie svarbiausių politinių ir socialinių problemų. Pamatinės problemos neaptinkamos konkrečioje socialinėje tikrovėje, jos „randamos“ vis naujose knygose, akademiniuose žurnaluose arba konferencijose. Ginčai dėl kritinės teorijos subtilybių akademikams ir intelektualams yra svarbesni už diskusijas dėl konkrečiai egzistuojančios politinės tikrovės. Kritinės teorijos atstovai diskutuoja apie vis naujas problemas, kurios randamos ne socialinėje tikrovėje, bet sukurtos pačių kritikų. Šis kritinės teorijos santykis su problemomis užkerta kelią didesnėms pretenzijoms keisti socialinę tikrovę. Jei kritinės teorijos atstovai nenori užsiiminėti tik kalbiniu akademikų žaidimu, jie turi atsisakyti įpročio vaikytis intelektualių madų. Siekiant praktinio relevantiškumo, būtina grįžti prie fundamentalių klausimų apie žmogaus, visuomenės ir politikos prigimtį, o ne nuolat diskutuoti ir rašyti apie naujas madingiausias „teorijas“
Mokslinės politinės filosofijos virtimas spekuliatyvia istorijos filosofija
Full text linkThe paper presents an analysis of the three stages of the development of political philosophy since the 17th century. The rise of modern political theory was marked by attempts to develop a philosophy along the lines of natural sciences. These attempts lead to the development of highly speculative and abstract doctrines; political philosophy ceased being a practical discipline. The paper argues that an important aspect of the traditionalist political thought of the 18th century was an attempt to reestablish the link between theory and practice. In the 19th century, the interest in history was supplemented with new premises about the historical process. Political philosophy, which strived to become scientific, became highly dependent on the premises of various philosophies of history. Straipsnyje analizuojami trys naujųjų amžių politinės filosofijos raidos etapai, padedantys suprasti praktikos ir teorijos santykio permainas. Moderniųjų filosofų bandymai sukurti gamtos mokslų kriterijus atitinkančią politinę filosofiją baigėsi praktinės filosofijos pakeitimu itin spekuliatyviomis ir abstrakčiomis doktrinomis. XVII a. filosofų pastangos suformuoti mokslinę politinę filosofiją virto spekuliatyvių teorijų kūrimu. XVIII a. tradicionalistų politinė mintis rodo rimtą bandymą įveikti praktikos ir teorijos atitrūkimą. Tai pirmiausia sietina su dėmesiu istorijai. XIX amžiuje susidomėjimas istorija buvo papildytas naujomis spekuliatyviomis teorijomis. Moksliškumo siekusi politinė filosofija tapo priklausoma nuo istorijos filosofijų prielaidų
The political philosophy of C. Schmitt: the importance of „Politische Romantik“).
No full textThe aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt‘s early work „Political Romanticism“ (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt‘s researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in „Political Romanticism“ we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt‘s political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt‘s conception of political romanticism shows that „Political Romanticism“ has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that „Political Romanticism“ is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt‘s political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt‘s conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt‘s unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt‘s conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation
Personalizmas ir ekologija: Roberto Spaemanno antropomorfizmo reabilitavimas
Full text linkThe paper presents the argument that Spaemann’s ecological thought is grounded in his attempt to find an alternative to the problems which he sees as originating in the rejection of teleological understanding of human beings and nature. The paper argues that Spaemann’s ethical personalism and reflections on ecological problems are not two separate fragments of his philosophy, which have no clearer relation. A personalist perspective is inseparable from Spaemann’s efforts to rehabilitate anthropomorphisms, which he sees as a necessary condition for the establishment of ethical relationship with nature. The paper defends the thesis that philosopher’s attempt to rehabilitate anthropomorphisms is the link which connects his ecological and personalist ethics. The personalist perspective marks an attempt to find an alternative to the ever-intensifying domination of modern anthropocentrism, which is characterised by an inability to grasp the reality of person and nature.Straipsnio tikslas – įrodyti, kad Spaemanno ekologinę mintį grindžia pastanga rasti alternatyvą jo diagnozuotoms problemoms, kylančioms iš teleologinio žmogaus ir gamtos supratimo atsisakymo. Įrodinėjama, kad personalistinė etika ir svarstymai apie ekologines problemas nėra atskiri, aiškesnio ryšio neturintys jo filosofijos fragmentai. Personalistinė perspektyva ir nuo jos neatsiejama pastanga reabilituoti antropomorfizmus Spaemanno suprantamos kaip būtinos etinio santykio su gamtine tikrove sąlygos. Straipsnyje ginama pozicija, kad filosofo siekis reabilituoti antropomorfinį tikrovės supratimą, yra jungtis, vienijanti jo ekologinę ir personalistinę etiką. Personalistinė perspektyva reiškia pastangą rasti alternatyvą modernybės raidoje vis intensyviau dominuojančiam antropocentrizmui, kuriam būdingas asmens ir gamtos tikroviškumo praradimas
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