173 research outputs found
AxParts and Case in Complex PPs: Microvariation in Italian Dialects
No full textThis chapter considers complex PPs involving a lexical/axial item such as under, over, and a small functional P (e.g., sotto (a)l tavolo “under (to) the table”) in Italian and some Italo-Romance varieties. It investigates in particular the types and the realization conditions of small functional Ps appearing in these structures. Adopting a Split-PP framework and the idea that all spatial PPs embed a null PLACE element, the authors argue that the small Ps are possessive case markers. The microcomparative differences across Italo-Romance varieties are linked to the different strategies to encode possession in the DP, and to different categorization (hence Merge positions) of lexical Ps/Axial items
Some considerations on the syntax of expletive subjects in Old Venetan and the emergence of subject clitics
No full textOld Venetan varieties display different forms of third person subject pronouns. In particular, the reduced monosyllabic and asyllabic forms are stronglyrelated to the expletive subject function. Even if the reduced forms do not have the same distribution of subject clitics in Modern Venetan, it can be argued that these forms have become clitics before the other pronouns. The article takes into consideration the syntax of expletive subjects in Old Venetan in relation to the rise of subject clitics in these varieties
Fitonimi di origine celtica nei dialetti italiani settentrionali: due ipotesi etimologiche
No full text
La concordanza negativa nel volgare veneto delle Origini
No full textIn this paper I analyse the variation displayed by Old Venetan texts regarding Negative Concord with preverbal items. Venetian displays strict Negative Concord, while Paduan and Veronese have mandatory preverbal negation only with negative adverbs and the negative coordination particle. With argumental quantifiers (like ‘nobody’) preverbal negation is very rare in these varieties. I propose that the distribution is driven by two factors: the category of the preverbal negative item, and its structural position above the inflected verb
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