169 research outputs found

    PILIHAN LESBIANISME IRSHAD MANJI BERDASARKAN KAJIAN TEORI PSIKOANALISA SIGMUND FREUD

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    ABSTRAK Lesbianisme merupakan kecenderungan orientasi seksual yang menyimpang. Lesbianisne merujuk pada ketertarikan emosional, seksual dan juga romantisme terhadap wanita. Pada sebagian besar individu, orientasi seksual terbentuk sejak masa kanak-kanak. Hal ini dipengaruhi oleh adanya kombinasi antara faktor biologis, dan lingkungan sebagai penyebab orientasi seksual homoseksual. Selain itu, sebagaimana teori yang dipahami oleh Freud, bahwa keseluruhan kepribadian termasuk tingkah laku manusia selalu terdiri dan terbentuk dari tiga komponen yaitu id, ego dan juga superego. Dalam diri orang yang sehat dan normal, ketiga sistem tersebut secara berkesinambungan membentuk mental yang sehat, namun sebaliknya yaitu apabila terjadi ketidaksinambungan antara id, ego dan superego, maka orang tersebut akan memiliki perilaku yang menyimpang. Tujuan penelitian ini yaitu untuk mengetahui alasan pilihan lesbianisme Irshad Manji, dan juga menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi lesbianisme Irshad Manji berdasarkan teori Psikoanalisis Sigmund Freud. Penelitian ini menggunakan Studi Kepustakaan (library reseach). Sumber data primer dalam penelitian ini yaitu Irshad Manji seorang Muslimah yang sukses berkarir sebagai penulis, author, dan lain sebagainya, namun memutuskan untuk menjadi seorang lesbian. Metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara menelusuri berbagai literatur yang ada hubungannya dengan kajian dalam penelitian ini. Hasil penelitian yang peneliti lakukan tentang pilihan lesbianisme Irshad Manji, dapat disimpulkan bahwa faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan Irshad Manji memilih untuk menjadi seorang lesbian diantaranya: a) Faktor precipating event yaitu adanya traumatis; b) Faktor conditioning event yaitu adanya penerimaan atau dukungan dari pihak lain seperti teman, kolega, maupun dari pihak keluarga; c) Faktor consequense event yaitu dimana homoseksual terjadi dikarenakan mempunyai faktor kenyamanan

    In religion’s name: abuses against religious minorities in Indonesia

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    On February 6, 2011, in Cikeusik, a village in western Java, around 1,500 Islamist militants attacked two dozen members of the Ahmadiyah religious community with stones, sticks, and machetes. The mob shouted, “You are infidels! You are heretics!” As captured on video, local police were present at the scene but many left when the crowd began descending on the Ahmadiyah house. By the time the attack was over, three Ahmadiyah men had been bludgeoned to death. Ahmad Masihuddin, a 25-year-old Ahmadiyah student, recalled, “They held my hands and cut my belt with a machete. They cut my shirt, pants, and undershirt. I was only in my underwear. They took 2.5 million rupiah (US$270) and my Blackberry [cell phone]. They tried to take off my underwear and cut my penis. I was laying in the fetal position. I tried to protect my face, but my left eye was stabbed. Then I heard them say, ‘He is dead, he is dead.’” While the Cikeusik attack was particularly gruesome, it is part of a growing trend of religious intolerance and violence in Indonesia. Targets have included Ahmadis (the Ahmadiyah), Baha’is, Christians, and Shias, among others. There have also been cases of Christians in Christian-majority areas preventing Sunni Muslim mosques from being built. Affected individuals have ranged from people with permits to build houses of worship to those seeking to have their actual religion listed on their ID cards, to children bullied by teachers and other pupils at school. In important respects, Indonesia is rightly touted for its religious diversity and tolerance. Since President Suharto was forced to step down in 1998, after more than three decades in power, inaugurating an era of greater freedom in Indonesia, viewpoints long repressed have emerged into the open. A strong thread of religious militancy is among them. As detailed in this report, the government has not responded decisively when that intolerance is expressed through acts of harassment, intimidation, and violence, which often affect freedom of expression and association, creating a climate in which more such attacks can be expected. According to the Jakarta-based Setara Institute, which monitors religious freedom in Indonesia, there were 216 cases of violent attacks on religious minorities in 2010, 244 cases in 2011, and 264 cases in 2012. The Wahid Institute, another Jakarta-based monitoring group, documented 92 violations of religious freedom and 184 incidents of religious intolerance in 2011, up from 64 violations and 134 incidents of intolerance in 2010. In researching this report, Human Rights Watch interviewed 16 members of religious minorities who had been physically assaulted by Islamist militants in seven separate incidents−four of them sustaining serious injuries. Twenty-two others had their houses of worship or own houses burned down in six separate incidents. We also summarize here many more incidents reported in the press or documented by other investigators. In addition to intimidation and physical assaults, houses of worship have been closed, construction of new worship facilities halted, and adherents of minority faiths subjected to arbitrary arrest on blasphemy and other charges. In most cases, the perpetrators of the intimidation and violence have been Sunni militant groups − described throughout this report as Islamist groups − at times acting with the tacit, or occasionally open, support of government officials and police. Groups that have participated in or supported the targeting of minority religions include: the Islamic People’s Forum (Forum Umat Islam, FUI), the Indonesian Muslim Communication Forum (Forum Komunikasi Muslim Indonesia, known as Forkami), the Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI), Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, and the Islamic Reformist Movement (Gerakan Islam Reformis, Garis). These groups are united by their espousal of an interpretation of Sunni Islam that labels non-Muslims, excluding Christians and Jews, as “infidels,” and labels Muslims who do not adhere to what they define as Sunni orthodoxy as “blasphemers.” The harassment and violence directed at minority religious groups is facilitated by a legal architecture in Indonesia that purports to maintain “religious harmony,” but in practice undermines religious freedom. Indonesia’s 1945 constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of religion, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Indonesia is a party. However, the Indonesian government has long enacted, and in recent years strengthened, legislation and regulations that have subjected minority religions to official discrimination and made them extremely vulnerable to the members of the majority community who take the law into their own hands. In numerous instances documented in this report, harassment and intimidation of minority communities by militant Islamist groups has been facilitated by the active or passive involvement of Indonesian government officials and security forces. These groups have cooperated with, or applied pressure on, local authorities to prevent the issuance of building permits for religious minorities’ houses of worship, sought the removal of religious minority communities to new locations, or to stop them from worshipping in their area altogether. In some cases, Christian churches that have met all of the legal requirements for construction have had their permits revoked by local authorities after pressure from Islamist groups, even in the face of Indonesian Supreme Court decisions ruling the construction legal. This report also documents incidents in which police failed to take action to prevent violence against religious minorities or provided no assistance in the aftermath of such incidents. Police all too often have been unwilling to properly investigate reports of violence against religious minorities, suggesting complicity with the perpetrators. Nor has the justice system proven to be a defender of religious minorities. In the few cases of violence that have gone to the courts, prosecutors have sought ridiculously lenient sentences for the perpetrators of serious crimes, which the judges seem content to oblige. The exception has been cases construed by authorities as acts of “terrorism,” as with the bombing of a church in Solo, Central Java, on September 25, 2011, in which a suicide bomber died and the wife of its funder is still being prosecuted for money laundering, and an attempt to bomb another church in Serpong in April 2012, in which 19 people were arrested. Indonesia’s religious minorities also face entrenched discrimination in their dealings with the Indonesian government bureaucracy. During the Suharto era, Indonesians were required to list their religion on their national identification cards, choosing from one of five recognized religions, a practice that discriminated against, and put in an untenable position, followers of hundreds of minority religions. Although the current Population Administration Law gives citizens the choice of whether or not to declare their religious faith on their ID cards, those who wish to declare a faith still must choose from a list of six protected religions. Individuals who do not declare a religion risk being labeled “godless” by some Muslim clerics and officials and subject to possible blasphemy prosecution. In 2012 alone, a self-declared atheist, a Shia cleric, and a spiritualist have all been jailed for blasphemy after listing Islam as their religion on their ID cards. Indonesian government institutions have also played a role in the violation of the rights and freedoms of the country’s religious minorities. Those institutions, which include the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society (Badan Koordinasi Pengawas Aliran Kepercayaan Masyarakat, Bakor Pakem) under the Attorney General’s Office, and the semi-official Indonesian Ulama Council, have eroded religious freedom by issuing decrees and fatwas (religious rulings) against members of religious minorities and using their position of authority to press for the prosecution of “blasphemers.” Indonesia has in recent years made meaningful progress toward strengthening democracy and respect for human rights. Those gains, along with perceptions of Indonesia as a bulwark of a progressive, moderate Islam, have prompted international praise of Indonesia as a model Islamic democracy. For instance, in November 2010, US President Barack Obama, when visiting Jakarta, praised “the spirit of religious tolerance that is enshrined in Indonesia’s constitution, and that remains one of this country’s defining and inspiring characteristics.” If that reputation is to remain intact, strong and immediate action is needed, including more forceful leadership by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to reform the laws and government practices that have facilitated abuses against religious minorities. The Indonesian government needs to meet its obligations to hold accountable police, government officials, and members of groups implicated in the abuses. Indonesia’s reputation as a country “underpinned by the principle of religious freedom and tolerance” can only be realized if the government takes steps to curb the increasing targeting of and discrimination against religious minorities, returning to its founding principles, and fostering a national culture of acceptance and respect for all religious groups

    Bulldozers, homes and highways: Nairobi and the right to the city

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    In Kenya road building, widely viewed as an ‘unqualified human good’, is closely linked to an ‘Africa Rising’ narrative. In this paper the author argues that road building is an attempt to assert political authority derived from a longstanding developmentalist impulse, one in which private accumulation and spectacular public works go hand in hand. In light of massive infrastructural transformations, the author develops a conceptualisation of the right to the city: what is needed is a radical understanding of the city and its potentialities that wrests control of the idea away from a bureaucratic vision, and imbues it instead with collective meaning

    Has Authorship in the Decolonizing Global Health Movement Been Colonized?

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    Background: Decolonization in global health is a recent movement aimed at relinquishing remnants of supremacist mindsets, inequitable structures, and power differentials in global health. Objective: To determine the author demographics of publications on decolonizing global health and global health partnerships between low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and high-income countries (HICs). Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of publications related to decolonizing global health and global health partnerships from the inception of the selected journal databases (i.e., Medline, CAB Global Health, EMBASE, CINAHL, and Web of Science) to November 14, 2022. Author country affiliations were assigned as listed in each publication. Author gender was assigned using author first name and the software genderize.io. Descriptive statistics were used for author country income bracket, gender, and distribution. Findings: Among 197 publications on decolonizing global health and global health partnerships, there were 691 total authors (median 2 authors per publication, interquartile range 1, 4). Publications with author bylines comprised exclusively of authors affiliated with HICs were most common (70.0%, n = 138) followed by those with authors affiliated both with HICs and LMICs (22.3%, n = 44). Only 7.6% (n = 15) of publications had author bylines comprised exclusively of authors affiliated with LMICs. Over half (54.0%, n = 373) of the included authors had names that were female and female authors affiliated with HICs most commonly occupied first author positions (51.8%, n = 102). Conclusions: Authors in publications on decolonizing global health and global health partnerships have largely been comprised of individuals affiliated with HICs. There was a marked paucity of publications with authors affiliated with LMICs, whose voices provide context and crucial insight into the needs of the decolonizing global health movement

    Reading intervention: breaking the loop

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    The purpose of this project was to implement and evaluate a pedagogically based reading program that had the aims of encouraging student connectedness to reading, and motivating students to become readers. Current research on helping struggling readers focuses on several key concepts: a balanced approach incorporating both skills and meaning based perspectives, motivation to read, additional instruction time, fluency developed through repeated readings, metacognition, and comprehension strategies. Based on this research I developed an instructional approach incorporating these key components. I implemented this approach with two middle school students using an observational case study research method. One goal was to increase the students' reading fluency, comprehension, and motivation. A second goal was to boost their self-perception of themselves as readers. I used the students' perspectives, feedback, and progress during the project to guide instruction. In conducting this project, I increased my knowledge of reading theory, and improved my skills in providing remediation for struggling readers. I plan to present the project and conclusions to school staff, outlining the potential benefits of the program, and validating the need for continued intervention and support for struggling readers at the upper elementary level. --P.iii.The original print copy of this thesis may be available here: http://wizard.unbc.ca/record=b167717

    Self-Reported Occupational Exposure to HIV and Factors Influencing its Management Practice: A Study of Healthcare Workers in Tumbi and Dodoma Hospitals, Tanzania.

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    Blood borne infectious agents such as hepatitis B virus (HBV), hepatitis C virus (HCV) and human immune deficiency virus (HIV) constitute a major occupational hazard for healthcare workers (HCWs). To some degree it is inevitable that HCWs sustain injuries from sharp objects such as needles, scalpels and splintered bone during execution of their duties. However, in Tanzania, there is little or no information on factors that influence the practice of managing occupational exposure to HIV by HCWs. This study was conducted to determine the prevalence of self-reported occupational exposure to HIV among HCWs and explore factors that influence the practice of managing occupational exposure to HIV by HCWs in Tanzania. Self-administered questionnaire was designed to gather information of healthcare workers' occupational exposures in the past 12 months and circumstances in which these injuries occurred. Practice of managing occupational exposure was assessed by the following questions: Nearly half of the HCWs had experienced at least one occupational injury in the past 12 months. Though most of the occupational exposures to HIV were experienced by female nurses, non-medical hospital staff received PEP more frequently than nurses and doctors. Doctors and nurses frequently encountered occupational injuries in surgery room and labor room respectively. HCWs with knowledge on the possibility of HIV transmission and those who knew whom to contact in event of occupational exposure to HIV were less likely to have poor practice of managing occupational exposure. Needle stick injuries and splashes are common among HCWs at Tumbi and Dodoma hospitals. Knowledge of the risk of HIV transmission due to occupational exposure and knowing whom to contact in event of exposure predicted practice of managing the exposure. Thus provision of health education on occupational exposure may strengthen healthcare workers' practices to manage occupational exposure

    Female Critics of Islamism: Liberal or Secular Islam?

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    The author distinguishes between two types of criticism of Islamism: ‘liberal Islam’ and ‘secular Islam’. The meaning and consequences of this difference in approach is analyzed with reference to the work of Chadortt Djavann, Irshad Manji, Mina Ahadi and Taslima Nasreen. The difference of approach is especially relevant in the way one looks at ‘interpretation’. This will be illustrated by analyzing a discussion between Tariq Ramadan and Ayaan Hirsi Ali. </jats:p

    Kisho Fukuseikai Sosho, Ser. 4, No. 3

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    The three volumes of this set are a facsimile reingraving of the 1659 Haseda Daigaku Toshokan copy of Aesop's fables. The imprint reads Ito San'emon, Manji 2. It is done in Oriental style on double leaves in a heavier paper casing bound by thread. I count some 30 double pages in this volume, including five illustrations. At least the first two seem to deal with the life of Aesop. The first has Aesop looking at people inside cages, upon which birds stand; this was his supposed bright idea for waging war, according to the life. The second has a lower panel in which Aesop seems to have been thrown down a cliff. The third again presents two scenes, I believe. Is the boar kicking the old bull in the face in the upper panel? And might the lower scene show the crow waiting for the eagle to drop the snail, so that he can eat it first? The fourth seems to show BF in its upper panel. In the lower, has the horse just kicked Dr. Wolf? The upper part of the fifth seems to be UP. Are those two men visiting the land of the monkeys in the lower portion? Is the first being rewarded for his flattering lies? There is a loose insert at the beginning of the volume, perhaps an advertisement.Language note: JapaneseOriginal language: grcVolodymyra Zabashtans and Anatolia Cherdakl
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