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    South Africa and state dysfunction : the role of civil society

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    MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusAgainst the backdrop of political instability, weak institutions, and severe poverty, the persistence of state weakness in Africa has given rise to scholarly interest in the state dysfunction discourse that questions the prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa. The country of analysis, South Africa, has successfully transitioned to democracy and has since embarked on the path of consolidation. The robust civil society in South Africa has been a key driving force that exercised pressure against the apartheid regime and has since adopted a critical role in addressing the gap between the state and communities. Civil society has become the last defence against service delivery failure, widespread corruption and fostering government accountability for democratic consolidation. However, after nearly three decades of democratic rule, South Africa faces a series of challenges threatening the continuation and stability of democracy in the country. Establishing a consolidated democracy goes further than electoral processes and institutions but includes the improvement of people's lives and the degree to which the state fulfils the needs and expectations of the people. By means of a literature review, this dissertation investigates the features that demonstrate state dysfunction in South Africa’s three primary areas of consolidation identified by Linz and Stepan (1996): the political, economic, and social sectors. The theoretical conceptualisation of state dysfunction is built on the contributions of influential scholars, including Robert Rotberg (2004), William Zartman (1995), Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson (2013), Joel. S Migdal (1998) and others. The key insight from each author is interpreted and applied to the context of South Africa. Furthermore, the Failed States Index is utilised to assist with identifying the features of dysfunction for analysis. The results from this process indicate that South Africa has established democratic institutions which put the country on a path of consolidation. However, the existence of these institutions is insufficient to consider South Africa’s democracy consolidated, as there are strong indications of democratic decay in the country’s political, economic, and social sectors. These institutions need not only to be protected and strengthened but democratic norms, values and practices should be internalised into the larger society and the functioning of government. As such, civil society has a key role in strengthening democracy through their roles as watchdogs of society, key service providers, and promotors of democratic culture. Only time will tell whether civil society is sufficient to strengthen South Africa’s democracy.Master

    The relationship between Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB) and democracy : an exploratory analysis

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    MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusThe 21st century is witnessing a global decline in the protection of religious freedom. The 21st century is also witnessing a rise in religiously motivated violence. Western liberal democracies are responding to this with tighter controls and management of religious groups and communities. This study explores the theoretical relationships between FoRB and democracy by constructing a philosophical and historical background and creating a theoretical framework for the understanding of individual rights encompassing a liberal democracy. By attempting to trace the development of the idea of individual rights, a tripartite relationship between liberal democracy, individual rights and ultimately the right to Freedom or Religion or belief becomes clear throughout the study. These relationships also indicate that the world is experiencing not only a decline in the protection of FoRB, but also a retreat in liberal democracy.Master

    An investigation into political and sociosocio-economic participation challenges faced by people with disabilities in South Sudan

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    MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusThis study investigated barriers to people with disabilities in political and socio-economic participation in South Sudan. The ongoing conflict in South Sudan has disrupted government institutions and the rights of people have been compromised. People with disabilities have been subjected to attitudinal, environmental and institutional barriers. The study through the human development and social contract theories identifies the need to develop people with disabilities and enable their full functionality as well as key aspects to maintain the social contract between South Sudan and its people. People with disabilities have acquired their impairments mainly as a result of conflict and the poor health sector. The government of South Sudan has been unable in popularise disability-inclusive policies and did not ratify the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The education sector has also been a challenge and people with disabilities have the highest illiteracy levels. There has not been any compensations to those involved and injured as a result of the conflict and people with disabilities remain poor with no provision of basic services. People of South Sudan depend mainly on agricultural produce but with the crumbling economy, men and women must share responsibilities to survive. Only a few people in the country are employed in industries and people with disabilities are marginalised as they are perceived to be sick. Many people with disabilities are not employed and are unable to provide for their basic needs. Women and young girls with disabilities experience multiple discriminations for being women and having disabilities. The delay in the popularisation of draft disability policies has prolonged the unbearable conditions, including in United Nations camps. People with disabilities remain excluded from political participation while disabled people’s organisations have been advocating for their inclusion. These organisations have received little attention from the government and their sustainability depends on funding from external actors. Conflict aggravates poverty which leads to severe disabilities. The government of South Sudan has little economic potential of addressing disparities and the ongoing conflict becomes a barrier to move to a human-development approach to disability. Non-ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) encourages a lack of international compliance. Low levels of disability rights advocacy as well as the poor education system have hindered the programme of emancipating people with disabilities.Master

    Deelname in Plaaslike Regering en Demokratiese Konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika - 'n Analise

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    DPhil (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusSuid-Afrika is 'n nuwe demokrasie en daarom is die fokus van hierdie studie gerig op die konsolidasie van demokrasie met spesifieke verwysing na die plaaslike regeringsfeer. In hierdie verband is die kernaspekte wat teoreties en in die toepassing in wisselwerkende verband geanaliseer word: demokrasie met 'n spesifieke fokus op deelnemende demokrasie, plaaslike regering en demokratiese konsolidasie. Hierdie aspekte word oorweeg met spesifieke verwysing na deelname in plaaslike regering en geanaliseer aan die hand van wykskomitees en plaaslike protes. Die vraag wat hierdie studie gevolglik oorweeg is: Watter invloed in verbandhoudende konteks het wykskomitees en protes, as tipes van deelnemende demokrasie in hul bydrae tot die konsolidasie van demokrasie? Uiteindelik: Watter model vir gekonsolideerde demokrasie omvat deelname wat strek van wykskomitees tot protes? Die studie oorweeg in die eerste plek die aard van demokrasie op teoretiese vlak en bespreek die ontwikkelingsgang van verteenwoordigende en deelnemende demokrasie in die verband. Die gevolgtrekking is dat verteenwoordigende demokrasie te beperkend is en in wisselwerking met deelnemende demokrasie moet tree. Hierdie gevolgtrekking blyk duidelik uit die bespreking van veral deelnemende demokrasie wat op die omvattendheid van die begrip van demokrasie dui en ook voorbrand maak vir 'n meer radikale en kontesterende interpretasie van demokrasie, maar hou ook verband met die Suid-Afrikaanse begrip van demokrasie, soos ook vergestalt in die Grondwet en die interpretasie daarvan. Konsolidasie van demokrasie word geanaliseer aan die hand van die begrip van demokrasie wat in die studie toepassing vind. Dit blyk duidelik dat 'n meer substantiewe begrip van demokratiese konsolidasie geanker in populêre soewereiniteit belangrik is, wat ook deurentyd geskep moet word. Bepaalde aanduiders van konsolidasie blyk ook uit hierdie bespreking. Die toepassing van hierdie begrippe vind plaas in die afweging van wykskomitees as geïnstitusionaliseerde vorme van deelname teenoor plaaslike protes as nie-geïnstitusionaliseerde vorme van deelname in die plaaslike regeringsfeer. Hier blyk dit dat die uitdagings in beide vorme van deelname soortgelyk is en spreek tot die waardes van demokrasie en ook dienslewering, beide verbandhoudend met die tweekantigheid van plaaslike regering soos in hierdie studie verstaan. Beide wykskomitees en plaaslike protes dui ook op 'n kwaliteit van stryd tussen die owerheid en burgery ten einde die Idee en Praktyk van demokrasie bymekaar te bring. Dit word voorgestel dat demokrasie en uiteindelik demokratiese konsolidasie in 'n tussenruimte tussen die Idee en Praktyk deur hierdie rolspelers geskep en betekenis aan gegee moet word. Die studie stel 'n model van hierdie skeppende en strydende demokrasie voor waarin wykskomitees en plaaslike protes in 'n wisselwerkende verhouding met plaaslike regering betekenis gee aan demokrasie en ook die aanduiders van wat konsolidasie sou behels, kan aktualiseer. Gebaseer op die aanduiders in hierdie tussenruimte in die Suid-Afrikaanse toepassing van wykskomitees en plaaslike protes is die vooruitsigte vir konsolidasie positief. Dit word dus voorgestel dat 'n omvattende begrip van demokrasie vereis word vir konsolidasie in plaaslike regering en Suid-Afrika in die algemeen. Die idee van skeppende strydende demokrasie wat in hierdie studie geartikuleer is, omvat 'n begrip van demokrasie wat verby die enkelsydigheid van bloot verteenwoordigende demokrasie of bloot deelnemende demokrasie kyk, ten einde die verwikkeldheid van wat demokrasie in werklikheid is, te artikuleer. Sodoende kan 'n tekortkoming in demokratiese teoretisering aangespreek word.Doctora

    Grond as ruimte van politieke stryd in Suid-Afrika

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    The so-called “land question” is a well known theme in South African political discourse. Much has been written on the subject in recent times, but also in the historical development of South African politics. This article articulates thoughts concerning the political meaning of land by way of framing the land question as a space of political contestation in South Africa, simultaneously discussing it against a wider international background, acknowledging that the land question is not unique to South Africa and that it also relates to many historical and contemporary political struggles. It is suggested that such an approach possibly may contribute to contextualise the matter and to shed some of the emotional baggage that often pertains to it. The article contextualises land as political contestation while suggesting an interpretation of what politics is. Attention is afforded to the understanding of politics as conflict, but also as reconciliation and compromise against an underlying context of power and its purposes. The latter determining in what kind of country political actors would want to live and relating to interests and values that political actors hold in common. The possibility exists that if reconciliation and compromise are not possible, politics will come to an end, which will not contribute to a sustainable democracy or a solution to the land question. The broader conflicting nature of positions and understandings of the land question in South Africa is further highlighted within the context of political contestation, after which attention is afforded to the positioning of political actors within this contestation.The position of the government and political parties is highlighted within this conflict based framework, noting the different understandings of the land question as well as the commonalities that parties share. Reference is briefly made to non party political actors (formal and informal) which represents the same conflictual positions, but which also alludes to other factors relevant to the land question whereafter these factors are highlighted. These include the broader social and economical issues (which are also understood as political), as well as an agricultural and rural bias in the land question, while it is also a matter of political and socio-economic rights within an urban context. The question is also asked whether solutions to the land question should not be found in a forward looking manner, rather than a romanticised understanding of land. The article concludes with a discussion in regard to the land question, when it is viewed from the perspective of political contestation, as defined in this article, as well as considering the possible outcome of the land question. A suggestion is made that consideration could be given to a re-negotiation of this space of political contestation, as land reform will remain unsuccessful if the politics thereof is not addressed; although this would also entail its own dangers for a democratic South Africa where democracy is not yet fully consolidated. OPSOMMING: Grond en die sogenaamde “grondvraagstuk” is ’n welbekende tema in die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke diskoers. Heelwat is reeds hieroor geskryf in die hedendaagse tydsgewrig, maar ook in die historiese verloop van die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Hierdie artikel artikuleer gedagtes rondom die betekenis van grond as politieke stryd (en ook binne die konteks van ’n bepaalde begrip van politiek) in Suid-Afrika, maar plaas dit ook teen ’n wyer internasionale doek. Moontlik kan so ’n benadering bydra om die saak te kontekstualiseer en te ontdaan van die emosionele bagasie wat dikwels daarmee gepaardgaan. Die benadering van die artikel is dat grond as politieke stryd hanteer word, waarna aandag geskenk word aan hoe politieke akteurs hulself posisioneer binne hierdie stryd. Daar word ook kortliks verwys na ander faktore wat ’n rol speel in hierdie politieke stryd. Die artikel sluit af met ’n gevolgtrekking ten opsigte van die grondvraagstuk, wanneer dit vanuit die perspektief van politieke stryd, soos in hierdie artikel omskryf, beskou word en die moontlike uitkoms van die grondvraagstuk oorweeg word.http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_issues&pid=0041-4751&lng=en&nrm=is

    Public participation strategy for budgeting in local government : the case of Tlokwe Local Municipality

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    Thesis (MA (Public Management and Governance))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013Before the historical democratic elections of 1994, South Africa did not have a culture of actively engaging communities in local government affairs. Democracy brought emphasis to transparency in municipal activities, and greater public accountability. It is legislated in South Africa that local governments should interact with communities in an endeavour to carry out the responsibilities of service delivery to ensure growth and development in a manner that promotes and enhances community participation and accountability. However, integrated municipal development planning, budgeting, local economic development projects, and various forms of municipal partnerships, are all issues which require effective community participation processes. Local government as a sphere government closest to the people is now expected to engage communities through exploring sustainable strategies as mechanisms which, within the context of this study, bring about effective public participation. In this regard, an effective, efficient, vibrant and innovative local government system that is accountable to local communities is of obvious importance. The local government has a key role to play in ensuring that people receive quality leadership and a sound and stable local democracy. Section 153 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996) spells out two important developmental duties of a municipality: * To structure and manage its administration and budget planning process so as to give priority to the basic needs of the community and to promote the environmental and socio-economic development of the community: and * To participate in national and provincial development programmes. The purpose of this study was to determine a variety of effective channels or mechanisms and processes for public participation in the integrated development planning (IDP) and budget process in the Tlokwe Local Municipality. It also focuses on the policy and legislative framework underpinning public participation in the IDP and budget processes. The study further considers that legislation requires that the IDP process of Tlokwe Municipality should structurally incorporate the voice of the community which will be affected by planning. The researcher used a qualitative method to determine how Tlokwe Local Municipality addresses the needs of the local community to enhance participatory democracy. The study established that there are a number of challenges facing the municipality which are barriers to effective participation. Several of these challenges relate to the poor and the marginalised groups which still have far too little influence in the affairs of the municipality.Master

    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed

    Enhancing participatory democracy through the ward committee system in Matlosana local municipality

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    Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012The Constitution of South Africa, 1996, requires local government to be democratic and accountable to local communities. Municipalities are also constitutionally bound to encourage the involvement of the communities in the affairs of local government. Section 152 of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996, sets out the rights of communities to be involved in the affairs of local government.Participation is not only about communicating information and addressing the needs of the community. Participation is also about building partnerships with the community, being accountable to the community, allowing the community to take part in policy decisions, capacitating the community to understand their rights and obligations as citizens, and allowing the community to participate actively in social, political and economic affairs. Local government as a sphere of government closest to the people plays a critical role in advancing the participation of the community. Chapter 4 of the Municipal Structures Act of 1998 requires that municipalities should establish ward committees in order to enhance participatory democracy. Ward committees were therefore established, as community structures, to play a role in advocating needs, aspirations, potentials and problems of the community. However, studies appear to be critical on the functionality of ward committees and argue that most ward committees are not functioning as intended. The purpose of the study is to establish whether Matlosana Local Municipality has created the environment for active participation through the ward committee system in order to enhance participatory democracy. The study further investigates whether the ward committees are functioning as intended and according to what the law requires. The researcher used a qualitative method to determine how Matlosana Local Municipality uses the ward committee system to enhance participatory democracy. The investigation revealed a number of challenges facing the ward committees which hinder their effectiveness. However, recommendations are recommended to assist the management of the municipality in making the system more effective.Master

    Variations on the Author

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    “Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
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