1,720,991 research outputs found

    Gender and British Politics

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    Learning objectives■ To gain an overview of the history of female and the LGBTQ community’s representation in British politics.■ Toappreciatethegradual,butstillunequalempowermentofwomen.■ TounderstandthedifferencesingenderpoliticsbetweenWestminster and the devolved parliaments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.■ Toinvestigatedifferencesinfemaleleadershipandmembershipof Britain’s parties.■ To examine what recent governments have done for women and the LGBTQ community.■ To understand that the House of Commons is still not a very ‘diversity-sensitive’ place.■ To note that female politicians, and especially those from an ethnic or religious minority, are harassed more often than men

    Gender and British Politics

    Get PDF
    Learning objectives■ To gain an overview of the history of female and the LGBTQ community’s representation in British politics.■ Toappreciatethegradual,butstillunequalempowermentofwomen.■ TounderstandthedifferencesingenderpoliticsbetweenWestminster and the devolved parliaments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.■ Toinvestigatedifferencesinfemaleleadershipandmembershipof Britain’s parties.■ To examine what recent governments have done for women and the LGBTQ community.■ To understand that the House of Commons is still not a very ‘diversity-sensitive’ place.■ To note that female politicians, and especially those from an ethnic or religious minority, are harassed more often than men

    EU Foreign Policy: Exploring the Integrative Potential of the Lisbon Treaty

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    Even though European foreign policy has gone far beyond the aggregation of national foreign policies, it still remains far short of an integrated common policy. The multi-pillar, multi-level and multi-location character of EU foreign policy results in decoupled foreign policies as well as in a dispersion of capacities and resources, degrading its overall effectiveness. We argue that both effective coordination and flexibility mechanisms are too weakly developed in the legal framework. This has lead to the development of informal practices internally, within the EU, as welll as externally between the EU, its member states and third actors. The Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) has both implicitly and explicitly acknowledged the desirability of better coordination and more flexible modes of governance in the field of foreign policy. This is looked on by examining the main novelties introduced by the ToL: the triple-hatted High Representative with his/her supporting European External Action Service, and the availability of three forms of flexibility. Despite the vagueness of the ToL, these elements create a window of opportunity to foster a more integrated EU foreign policy in which the role of the common actors and the member states is significantly reinforced. By stressing the central role of these common actors and by acknowledging that member states remain the unquestionable pillars for success in EU foreign policy, the ToL deepens the process of Brusselisation. As a result, EU foreign policy will be more streamlined both in terms of coherency and consistency, resulting in a more integrated policy

    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed

    Don’t mention Europe: a study of the Europeanisation of party organisation in the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party.

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    This thesis examines how the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS) and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) have ‘Europeanised’ their organisations in three different arenas: (1) in the electorate and party system; (2) in central government and parliament; and (3) in their internal procedures and activities. ‘Europeanisation’ is defined as ‘a shorthand term for a complex process whereby national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, and also seek to shape, the trajectory of European integration in general, and EU policies and processes in particular’ (Bomberg: 2002, 32). The underlying argument is that social democratic parties have to respond to challenges created by the European Single Market, which demands the reduction of state subsidies, and by the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which sets limits to public spending. Social democratic parties are expected to react to these challenges by Europeanising their organisations. This thesis draws on the academic literature, party documents and contemporary newspaper articles, together with insights gained from 70 semi-structured interviews with EU experts at the European and national levels. The central claim is that Labour, the PS and SPD have not become as Europeanised as might have been supposed for three ostensibly pro-European parties. Whilst successive party leaderships have paid lip service to the increasing importance of European integration, their party organisations have barely been involved in the formulation of European policy. The findings have serious implications for the three parties and domestic politics in Britain, France and Germany, since the memberships lack the enthusiasm and expertise to lead well-informed, critical, Europeanised debates and election campaigns

    Variations on the Author

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    “Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship

    Britain and the European Union

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    This chapter considers Britain’s relationship with the European Union (EU) after it joined, which has seen the country labelled ‘reluctant Europeans’. It also considers the role of empire and decolonisation in the early days of European integration that shaped Britain’s decision to remain outside the new European bloc. The British Empire was part of the wider project of European colonialism. Britain’s opposition to supranational decision-making and commitment to national sovereignty can be understood in terms of British exceptionalism, which has dominated British thinking. Public opinion has shown that public salience of the EU has remained low, meaning that British people did not consider the question of EU membership a high priority. Conservative Party Euroscepticism was, however, strongly influenced by Powellism, which advanced a populist and racialised idea of English nationhood. Labour Party divisions over the European Economic Community /EU have their roots in deeper ideological divisions over globalisation and economic nationalism

    Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis

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    We provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis

    Europhiles or Eurosceptics? Comparing the European policies of the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats

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    The Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are often portrayed as Britain’s pro- European parties. Indeed, both parties express a keen interest in keeping Britain in the European Union (EU) and in promoting a constructive engagement with other member states. Yet, to what extent can the two parties be characterized as Europhiles? In this article, we develop Taggart and Szczerbiak’s (2008) concept of hard and soft Euroscepticism, extend it to Europhile party positions, and apply it to Labour and the Liberal Democrats’ recent European policies. For this purpose, we analyze manifestos and party leaders’ key speeches on the EU. We find, overall, that the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are ‘soft’ Europhiles whose discourses have focused on EU reform. Yet, whilst their EU policies are very similar, their EU strategies differ: the Labour leadership have generally tried to contain the salience of EU issues, whereas the Liberal Democrats have followed a more offensive EU strategy after 2014. This can best be explained through electoral incentives and internal dynamics
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