1,721,168 research outputs found
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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Beyond the Struggle for Democratic Transition: The Rise and Fall of Opposition Successor Parties
The struggle to end authoritarian rule often marks only the beginning for pro-democracy opposition groups that go on to contest elections in new democracies, which I define as opposition successor parties (OSPs). Some of these parties grow into prominent political actors in the post-authoritarian period, while others quickly fragment or become loosely organized, personalistic vehicles. Despite their widespread presence across young democracies, OSPs remain surprisingly understudied from a comparative perspective. We know little about how they operate and develop after democratization—let alone how many exist.To address these gaps, this dissertation introduces a conceptual and theoretical framework for understanding OSPs as a distinct category of parties—separate from authoritarian successor parties (ASPs), which stem from former ruling parties, and from new parties without pre-transition roots. I show that OSP development depends on both the legacies inherited from authoritarian rule and the nature of the democratic transition itself. Specifically, OSPs that emerge from negotiated transitions— where ASPs tend to remain strong—face an uneven playing field that places them at a significant structural disadvantage. Yet counterintuitively, these asymmetries often incentivize long-term party building, contributing to greater organizational development over time. In contrast, OSPs operating after rupture transitions—where authoritarian regimes are ousted without a negotiated settlement—may initially benefit from favorable conditions due to the absence of a strong ASP rival but often lack the competitive pressures that drive sustained party-building efforts. Prior electoral experience and visible state repression can amplify or offset these dynamics by providing OSPs with mobilizational resources.Focusing on the Asia-Pacific region, I use a mixed methods approach that combines original party-election-level data, illustrative case studies from five countries, and process tracing of the South Korean case. Together, the findings suggest that OSPs often build strength over time, not despite, but because of the structural and resource asymmetries inherited from prior authoritarian and transitional periods. Beyond explaining variation in OSP development, this dissertation provides a foundation for future research on the broader political roles these parties may play—including their potential influence on party system development as well as democratic stability or backsliding. 
Variations on the Author
“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
We provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
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Essays On Democratic Erosion And Autocratic Consolidation
The manuscript contains three essays on democratic erosion and autocratic con- solidation. In the first paper, I propose a methodology to solicit preference over sensitive topics and validate it in a hard case (China). I show that policy preference in China is well configured, as I observe single peaked preferences over several policy domains. All else equal, citizens in China display a distaste toward recent autocratization within the country (e.g. removal of the President’s term limits), and are willing to sacrifice their preferred policy in exchange for more constraints on the politicians. However, term limit is a polarizing issue among the citizens. While removal of term limits for the President causes concerns for certain citizens, it is not a concern to regime hardliners.In the second paper, I explore how citizens perceive democratic erosion in a developing democracy. I show that when events related to democratic erosion happen, citizens are more concerned if the event is immediately consequential to how democracy operates in the daily life. In the context of the Philippines, citizens are more concerned if the President endorses vote buying, or allows political dynasty. However, events such as court packing are less likely to raise the alarm bell for the public. I also find that proregime respondents display less concern over incidents related to democratic erosion, and citizens' decision to hold the incumbent accountable is moderated by contextual factors such as the unemployment rate.The third paper zooms in on one particular anti-democratic practice, vote buying, because it is perhaps one of the more obvious attacks on democratic norms. Using a field experiment in the Philippine local elections, I show that an anti-vote buying campaign targeted at the politicians has limited effects on vote buying incidents, but it results in downstream impact on electoral outcomes and voter turnout. I couple this finding with a survey experiment, in which I find that citizens do not punish candidates who buy votes, so long as they can deliver public goods. Because citizens do not punish politicians who disrespect democratic norms, politicians have limited incentive to tie their hands and reduce vote buying
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Diversification: Middle States, Security Institutions, and the Shadow of Great Power Rivalry
How do “middle” states respond to intensifying great power rivalry, and what role do security institutions play in the strategies of middle states? In answering these questions, I address two gaps in the literature. First, traditional theories of alignment—balancing, bandwagoning, and hedging—each focus on a middle state’s relations with the competing great powers. Yet they fail to address how middle states interact among themselves. The second gap concerns the role of security institutions in the strategies of middle states. Balancing and bandwagoning emphasize the role alliances play as states respond to shifting distributions of power. Yet since the end of the Cold War, alliances have remained relatively stagnant and few new alliances have been formed. New “anarchic” forms of security institutions have emerged, including defense cooperation agreements (DCA), institutionalized defense dialogues, and reoccurring combined military exercises. However, these forms of security institutions currently find no part in existing theories of alignment. I introduce a theory of diversification to describe how middle states respond to shifting distributions of power and intensifying great power rivalry. Rather than just align with one of the competing great powers through bandwagoning or balancing, or engage with both by hedging, middle states also seek to diversify by strengthening security ties among themselves. Using an updated dataset of all DCAs between middle states in the Indo-Pacific, and novel datasets of all institutionalized defense dialogues and combined military exercises in the region, I show the central role these security institutions play in the strategies of middle states as they respond to growing Chinese power and intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. Using statistical, network, and detailed case study approaches, I show that middle states who face a significant threat from the rising power, have a weak commitment to alliance, are militarily capable, or who are economically developed, are more likely to employ a diversification strategy. I also show that as middle states seek to diversify, they are more likely to form a security partnership with middle states who have similar foreign policy preferences, are close economic partners, share a common security partner, or who face a common adversary
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The Politics of Economic Risk
This dissertation asks how political economy concerns, namely that politicians face strong incentives to provide citizens with disaster relief, affects the uptake of crop insurance. It shows that pre-existing government incentives to provide citizens with disaster relief impede index insurance market formation. If citizens know that they get free relief from the government when they experience shocks then they have no incentive to purchase an index insurance product. From a social welfare perspective, however, government relief programs are inefficient and expensive compared to index insurance products. The political dynamic necessitates a public insurance system, where the government purchases index insurance on behalf of farmers. Yet, this dissertation also shows that once put in politicians’ hands, politicians will be apt to allocate index insurance according to their own political objectives. Political economy concerns thus very much need to be at the forefront of any discussion about how to scale up index insurance
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
We conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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