23 research outputs found
Landscape-painter as landscape-gardener : the case of Alfred Parsons R.A.
No full textIn 2 vols.Available from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:DXN016830 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreSIGLEGBUnited Kingdo
Adaptations of Hamlet in Different Cultural Contexts: Globalisation, Postmodernism, and Altermodernism
No full textAlthough there has traditionally been a resistance to the study of adaptations, adaptation studies as a subsection of 'intertextuality‘ currently has a significant place in academic debates. Hamlet is "the Mona Lisa of literature" (T.S. Eliot), and has been the subject of constant scrutiny, mythologizing and adaptation. Hamlet has been adapted and appropriated into and by various cultural contexts. Even confining our attention to the same medium as Shakespeare‘s text, there exists an array of theatrical adaptations in languages and cultures as diverse as Persian, Korean, Arabic, German, Russian, and Turkish. Borrowing Ludwig Wittgenstein‘s metaphor of 'family resemblance,‘ I argue the usefulness of his idea, enabling us to examine not simply a small number of common properties among adaptations of Hamlet, but rather to explore the 'complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing‘ (Philosophical Investigations, §66). I further propose subdividing the 'global family‘ of Hamlets from around the world that participate in this/these web-like resemblances into 'local families‘ of adapted Hamlets, to enable better intercultural and cross-cultural studies.
In this thesis I analyse seven theatrical adaptations of Hamlet in Turkish, Russian, Arabic and Persian cultural contexts, from the perspectives of postmodernism, globalisation and altermodernism. I also scrutinise the Persian family of Hamlet in the light of 'intertextuality‘. Given that each adaptation per se brings together 'self‘ and 'other‘ at the same time, I go on to coin two new terms: homointertextuality and heterointertextuality, in order to explore fully the various connections of the adaptations of Hamlet in Iran with the 'cultural self‘ (Persian culture) and the 'cultural other‘ (Anglophone culture)
The Martyrdom of Ariadne of Prymnessos and an Inscription from Perge
No full textDieser Beitrag analysiert eine Passage aus dem spätantiken Bericht über das Martyrium der Ariadne von Prymnessos (die Verteidigungsrede des Nikagoras für seinen Verwandten Tertullus). Es wurde schon vor langer Zeit erkannt, dass Nikagoras Rede eine oder mehrere Ehreninschriften der hohen Kaiserzeit zum Vorbild nimmt. Der Autor zeigt nun, dass die Nikagorasrede eine Ehreninschrift aus Perge für Tiberius Claudius Vibianus Tertullus paraphrasiert, einen prominenten städtischen Euergeten aus Perge, der in den letzten Jahren der Herrschaft von Mark Aurel das Amt des ab epistulis Graecis bekleidete. Weiterhin wird argumentiert, dass ein Versepigramm aus Sagalassos in Pisidien, das die Wohltaten eines gewissen «Tertullus» für Sagalassos festhält, sich auf dieselbe Person bezieht.This paper analyses a passage of the late antique Martyrdom of Ariadne of Prymnessos (the speech of Nikagoras in defence of his kinsman Tertullus). Nikagoras’ speech has long been recognised as having been modelled on one or more honorific inscriptions of the high imperial period. The author shows that the speech of Nikagoras is a paraphrase of an honorific inscription from Perge for Tiberius Claudius Vibianus Tertullus, a prominent Pergaian civic benefactor who held the imperial office of ab epistulis Graecis during the last years of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. The author argues that a verse epigram from Sagalassos in Pisidia, recording the benefactions of a certain «Tertullus» to Sagalassos, also pertains to the same individual.tbaCet article analyse un passage relatif au martyr d’Ariadne de Prymnessos de l’Antiquité tardive (le discours de Nicagoras sur la défense de son parent Tertullus). Il est depuis longtemps reconnu que le discours de Nicagoras a pris comme modèle une ou plusieurs inscriptions honorifiques du Haut-Empire. L’auteur démontre que le discours de Nicagoras est une paraphrase d’une inscription honorifique de Pergé pour Tiberius Claudius Vibianus Tertullus, un bienfaiteur civique pergéen proéminent qui occupa l’office impérial d’ab epistulis Graecis au cours des dernières années du règne de Marc-Aurèle. L’auteur fait valoir qu’une épigramme en vers de Sagalassos en Pisidie, qui enregistre les bienfaits d’un certain «Tertullus» de Sagalassos, se rapporte au même individu.tb
Claudius Ptolemy on the Vistula river and its neighbouring regions.
No full textStraipsnyje išsamiai nagrinėjami Ptolemajo „Geografijoje“ pateikti duomenys apie Vyslą ir ją supančius kraštus. Pateikiami visų apie tai informuojančių fragmentų vertimai. Remiantis atidžia teksto analize, mėginama suprasti Ptolemajo geografinės medžiagos pateikimo logiką, pasitelkiami naujausi geografijos istorikų bandymai perskaičiuoti Ptolemajo pateiktas koordinates. Čia taip pat nagrinėjami seniausi Ptolemajo „Geografiją“ iliustruojantys žemėlapiai iš rankraščio Vaticanus Urbinas Graecus 82 (U) (XIII a. pab.). Straipsnis leidžia susidaryti vaizdą apie II a. Aleksandrijos geografo žinių apie šiuos kraštus išsamumo lygį, palyginti su analogiškomis žiniomis apie Didžiąją Germaniją ir Europinę Sarmatiją, taip pat pakoreguoti kai kurių tautų lokalizaciją. Reikšminiai žodžiai: Vysla; Ptolemajas; Geografijos istorija; Romos imperija.The author examines all textual testimonies concerning the Vistula found in Ptolemy’s Geography and the respective maps from its earliest manuscript in the Codex Urbinas Graecus 82. The neighbouring sea coasts, rivers, mountains, cities (poleis), and the peoples come under the author’s scrutiny. The effort is also taken to evaluate the level of knowledge of the river and its region in comparison to the other rivers of Magna Germania and European Sarmatia. Attempting to use the data of the Ptolemaic coordinates of geographical positions, the author bases himself on the calculations of Christian Marx, Klaus Geus, and Irina Tupikova. Below are some conclusions of the research done: 1. Ptolemy maintains the earlier tradition which regards the Vistula as the natural border between Magna Germania and the region which he names European Sarmatia. Nevertheless, his knowledge of the river and the region is highly superior to all previous Roman geographers. it can be measured by the frequency of the mentions of the river name: mentions of the Vistula (nine in Geography) make it equal to the Rhine (ten mentions) and surpass the Elbe (six mentions), the Weser (two mentions), and all the other rivers of Northern Germania up to the Vistula that are mentioned only once. Furthermore, the Vistula is the only river of the Northern part of Europe, for which Ptolemy indicates three points of coordinates, i.e. the mouth, the source, and the greatest confluent (the Bug or the San). Ptolemy indicates the confluents of none other river of the Northern Europe, not even of the Rhine. Ptolemy’s Geography expands the limits of Roman knowledge of the Vistula region up to 500 km on both sides of the river. 2. Having compared the extent of Ptolemy’s knowledge of the regions on both sides of the Vistula, the author can suggest that the side of Magna Germania is known better than the Sarmatian one. In contrast to Germania, there are no cities, no forests nor qualification “great”/“small” before the names of the peoples in European Sarmatia to mention, and the rivers do not mark the borders between the peoples as they do in Germania. 3. As a result of close reading of Ptolemy’s corresponding texts, a chart of the peoples living on both sides of the Vistula is established. Coupled with new efforts of German scholars for rectification of Ptolemaic coordinates, close reading of Ptolemy’s text entitles the author of this article to define the localization of the Lugi Diduni, the Venedi, the Gytones, the Galindi, the Sudini, and the Stavani. The southern border of the Venedi is also established (ca Grudziądz – Venedici montes (Dylewska Góra) – Lake Vištytis). 4. An inspection of the corresponding maps of the Vistula region in the Vatican Codex Urbinas Graecus 82 (68r and 75v) revealed some differences between these maps and Ptolemy’s written text. In the upper reaches, the Vistula turns sharply to the west although there is no such an indication in the text. The other differences between the text and the maps concern the localization of some peoples. According to the map, the Burgundians are absent on the left bank of the Vistula, where they must be according to the text (it seems they ceded their place to the Lugi Omani [Fig. 6, No. 8]). On the right bank, the Finni [Fig. 8, No. 13] are presented to the east of the Gythones [Fig. 8, No. 12] on the map, whereas they must be to the south of them according to the text. Keywords: Vistula; Ptolemy; Geography; Roman Empire
Why bios? : on the relationship between gospel genre and implied audience
No full textThis thesis addresses the gap in the scholarly record pertaining to the explicit relationship between gospel genre and implied audience. This thesis challenges the consensus that the canonical gospels were written to/for individual communities/churches and that these documents (gospels) address the specific historical/social circumstances of each community. It is argued in the thesis that the Evangelists chose the genre of biography because it was the genre that was best suited to present the words and deeds of Jesus to the largest possible audience. The central thesis is supported by four lines of evidence: two external and two internal (Chapters 3-6). Furthermore, the thesis is bolstered by a new typology for Greco-Roman biography that arranges the biographical examples within a relational matrix.
Chapter 2 is integral to the main thesis of this dissertation in that it proposes nuanced language capable of being applied to specific kinds of biographies with the emphasis on the relationship to implied audience. Chapter 2 sets the boundaries of the discussion of genre as a vital factor in potentially determining audience as well as raising the important consideration that genres are representative of authorial choice and intent.
Chapters 3 and 4 take up the discussion of the two lines of external evidence pertinent to placing the Gospels within the relational typology proposed in chapter 2. Chapter 3 supports the main argument of the thesis in that it demonstrates that the earliest Christian interpreters of the Gospels did not understand them to be sectarian documents written specifically to and/or for specific sectarian Christian communities. The second line of external evidence, taken up in chapter 4, deals with the wider context of Jesus literature in the second/third century. We argue that these texts, if any of them are indeed biographies, were part of the wider Christian practice of writing and disseminating literary presentations of Jesus and Jesus traditions.
Chapters 5 and 6 address the lines of internal evidence and chapter 5 deals specifically with the difficulty in reconstructing the various gospel communities that might lie behind the gospel texts. It is argued that the genre of biography does not allow us to reconstruct these communities with any detail. Finally, chapter 6 is concerned with the ‘all nations’ motif present in all four of the canonical gospels. The ‘all nations’ and ‘sending’ motifs in the Gospels suggest an evangelistic tone for the Gospels and further suggest an ideal secondary audience beyond those who could be identified as Christian
Empire of coercion: Rome, its ruler and his soldiers
No full textThis thesis explores the basis of the political power wielded by Roman emperors. Its hypothesis is that their power was of an essentially coercive nature, and was a manifestation of the Roman ethos of competition for personal dominance. This competition took place within the context of a society in which war and military organisation were of prime significance. As a result, political power was habitually obtained and held through the direct and indirect involvement of soldiers. It was inevitable that the relationship between emperors and their soldiers should be the major determinant of their authority. Issues considered to be relevant to this view are examined from a wide perspective and within the broad time scale of the classical world before the advent of the Christian Empire. Ancient writing on the nature of political power is explored, and every effort is made to give due weight to the direct expressions of our primary sources in their discussions of personal authority. Evidence is also cited from sociological and other modem theories of political power in order to illuminate the coercive basis of the Roman state. The development of power within Rome is traced, together with the explanations, justifications and mechanisms inherent to its operation. Soldiers are shown to have been the key agents of Roman political coercion. Bases of authority other than coercion are considered for their relevance, but are found either to have been derivative of, or secondary to, force and the threat of force. The qualities required of a successful emperor are explored. These are demonstrated to have been primarily military, while in the most significant aspects of political and personal behaviour the Roman ruler sought to establish and strengthen the bond between himself and his soldiers. When this link finally weakened, political authority passed directly to the soldiers
On asset pricing and the equity premium puzzle
No full textThis thesis was submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and awarded by Brunel University.Presented here are consumption and production related asset pricing models which seek to explain stock market behaviour through the stock premium over risk-free bonds and to do so using parameter values consistent with theory. Our results show that there are models capable of explaining stock market behaviour.
For the consumption-based model, we avoid many of the suggestions to artificially boost the predicted stock premium such as modelling consumption as leverage claims; instead we use the notion of surplus consumption. We find that with surplus consumption, there are models including the much-maligned power utility model, capable of yielding theory consistent estimates for the discount rate, risk-free rate as well as the coefficient of relative risk aversion, y.
Since real business cycle theory assumes a risk aversion coefficient of 1, we conclude that our model which gives a value close to but not equal to 1, provides an indication of the impact of market imperfections.
For production, we present many of the existing models which seek to explain stock market behaviour using production data which we find to be generally incapable of explaining stock market behaviour. We conclude by presenting a profit based formulation which uses deviations of actual from expected profits and dividends via stock price reaction parameters to successfully explain stock market behaviour. We also conclude that the use of a profit based formulation allows for a link to investment, output and pricing decisions and hence link consumption and production.Thames Valley Universit
Peculiarities of the research field of Old Prussian proper names: principles of naming determined by time, place, language and history
No full textPrūsiški tikriniai žodžiai nėra belaikiai ir beerdviai. Graikas Klaudijas Ptolemajas II amžiuje paminėjo Tacito erdvėje dviejų prūsų genčių vardus Γαλίνδαι καὶ Σουδινοί (Geogr.3,5,9). Tikrinių žodžių užrašymas ir paminėjimas yra svarbus dvasinis ir kultūrinis procesas, atskleidžiantis, kad tikriniai žodžiai yra susiję ne tik su kalbos, bet ir su juos supusia visuomenės istorija. Prūsiškų tikrinių žodžių tyrėjų ir ieškotojų akys krypo į daugybę rankraštinių dokumentų, pradėtų rašyti XIII a. ir intensyviai tęsiamų vėlesniais laikais. Kalbininkų, onomastų, istorikų, geografų, etnografų ir kitų sričių mokslininkų bei itin aktyvių prūsais besidominčių mėgėjų paieškas paskatino ne vien tik prūsai, bet ir Vokiečių ordinas ir jo raštininkai, už fiksavę prūsiško vardyno duomenis taip, kaip jie juos išgirdo tariant pateikėjus, arba informantus. Kaupiant onomastinę medžiagą, pradedama galvoti, kaip ją padaryti prieinamą ne tik lingvistinei, bet ir socioonomastinei interpretacijai, koks ryšys yra tarp onimų davėjų ir gavėjų (turima galvoje ne vien žmonės, bet ir gyvenamosios vietos ir visi kiti Sembos prūsus supę toponimai). Be tikrinio žodžio užrašymo konteksto, t. y. be išsamių dokumentų, tebūnie šie ir spausdinti, ne vien rankraštiniai, studijų sunku, kartais ir neįmanoma, išsiversti. Straipsnyje aptariama keletas Sembos antroponimų ir oikonimų, įvardijusių išnykusias gyvenamąsias vietas, istorijos šaltiniuose paminėtas vieną ar kelis kartus, ir autorės surasti, iš esmės papildyti ir patikslinti vėlesnių laikų oikonimai, į kuriuos nebuvo atkreiptas dėmesys, nors jie galimai yra prūsiškos kilmės. Autorės jie jau buvo paminėti ne viename darbe, bet randantis naujiems faktams, būtinas ir naujas žvilgsnis. Raktažodžiai: prūsiški tikriniai žodžiai; prūsų įvardijimas, prūsiškų oikonimų ypatumai, onomastinės medžiagos šaltiniai; onomastinė interpretacija.Old Prussian proper names are neither timeless nor spaceless. In the 2nd century CE, the Greek Claudius Ptolemy mentioned the names of two Prussian tribes, Γαλίνδαι καὶ Σουδινοί (Geogr.3,5,9), in the space of Tacitus. The records and mentions of proper names mark an important spiritual and cultural process revealing that proper names are not only related to the history of language but also to the history of society. Researchers of Old Prussian proper names and other interested parties directed their look towards a multitude of manuscript documents, the writing of which began in the 13th century and was intensively continued hereafter. The search undertaken by linguists, onomasticians, historians, geographers, ethnographers and scholars from other fields as well as enthusiastic amateurs interested in Old Prussian was not only driven by Old Prussians but also by the Teutonic Order and its scribes, who recorded the data relating to Old Prussian proper names as they heard them from informants. As the onomastic material is piling up, we start considering how to make it accessible not only to linguistic but also to socio-onomastic interpretation and what connection can be established between name-givers and name-recipients (if we consider not only people but also the names of settlements and all other places that surrounded the Old Prussians of Sambia). Further studies are difficult and sometimes even impossible without investigating the context in which the proper name was written down, i.e., without detailed documents, whether they are handwritten or printed. The article discusses several Sambian anthroponyms and oikonyms naming the non-surviving settlements, which were mentioned in historical sources one or several times, as well as the oikonyms of later periods, which were found, revised and essentially supplemented by the author and to which attention has not yet been drawn, even though thay are possibly of Prussian origin. The author has already discussed them in previous works, but in the light of new facts, a fresh perspective is required. Keywords: Prussian proper names; naming of Old Prussians; peculiarities of Old Prussian oikonyms; sources of onomastic data; onomastic interpretation
Progenitor strain introduction of Mycobacterium bovis at the wildlife-livestock interface can lead to clonal expansion of the disease in a single ecosystem
No full textMycobacterium bovis infects multiple wildlife species and domesticated cattle across South Africa, and negatively impacts on livestock trade and movement of wildlife for conservation purposes. M. bovis infection was first reported in the Kruger National Park (KNP) in South Africa during the 1990s, and has since spread to infect numerous animal host species throughout the park and across South Africa. Whole genome sequencing data of 17 M. bovis isolates were analyzed to investigate the genomic diversity among M. bovis isolates causing disease in different animal host species from various locations in South Africa. M. bovis strains analyzed in this study are geographic rather than host species-specific. The clonal expansion of M. bovis in the KNP highlights the effect of an introduction of a transmissible infectious disease leading to a rising epidemic in wildlife, and emphasizes the importance of disease control and movement restriction of species that serve as disease reservoirs. In conclusion, the point source introduction of a single M. bovis strain type in the KNP ecosystem lead to an M. bovis outbreak in this area that affects various host species and poses an infection risk in neighboring rural communities where HIV prevalence is high.This study was enabled by funding from the South African Medical Research Council, the National Research Foundation, and faculty baseline funding from King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST, Thuwal, Saudi Arabia) awarded to A Pain. MA Miller is funded by the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Department of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa, award number UID 86949. Any opinion, finding and conclusion or recommendation expressed in this material is that of the author(s) and the NRF does not accept any liability in this regard. The authors declare that no conflict of interest exists
Whole genome sequence analysis of Mycobacterium suricattae
No full textTuberculosis occurs in various mammalian hosts and is caused by a range of different lineages of the Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex (MTBC). A recently described member, Mycobacterium suricattae, causes tuberculosis in meerkats (Suricata suricatta) in Southern Africa and preliminary genetic analysis showed this organism to be closely related to an MTBC pathogen of rock hyraxes (Procavia capensis), the dassie bacillus. Here we make use of whole genome sequencing to describe the evolution of the genome of M. suricattae, including known and novel regions of difference, SNPs and IS6110 insertion sites. We used genome-wide phylogenetic analysis to show that M. suricattae clusters with the chimpanzee bacillus, previously isolated from a chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) in West Africa. We propose an evolutionary scenario for the Mycobacterium africanum lineage 6 complex, showing the evolutionary relationship of M. africanum and chimpanzee bacillus, and the closely related members M. suricattae, dassie bacillus and Mycobacterium mungi.This paper has relied on records of individual identities and/or life histories maintained by the Kalahari Meerkat Project, which has been supported by the European Research Council (Research Grant No. 294494 to T.H. Clutton-Brock since 1/7/2012) and the University of Zurich. This work was supported by the South African National Research Foundation (NRF), fund number 41744, South African Medical Research Council (MRC), Harry Crossley Foundation, Claude Leon Foundation, the Department of Biomedical Sciences, Stellenbosch University and King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST). S.L. Sampson is funded by the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Department of Science and Technology and NRF of South Africa, award number UID 86539. Any opinion, finding and conclusion or recommendation expressed in this material is that of the author(s) and the NRF does not accept any liability in this regard
