1,720,972 research outputs found
Matricole e veterani: partecipazione, caratteristiche e scelta di voto
No full textIl capitolo analizza il voto e le caratteristiche dei selettori PD 2017 in base alla familiarità con le primarie secondo un’evoluzione diacronica, prendendo in considerazione le primarie per la segreteria del Pd del 2013 e quelle della coalizione di centrosinistra “Italia. Bene Comune” del 2012. La scelta di limitare la comparazione a questi tre casi è dettata da due fattori principali: innanzitutto la disponibilità e la maggiore omogeneità dei dati raccolti da C&LS1, secondariamente il fatto che queste tre competizioni hanno in comune la candidatura di Matteo Renzi. Le primarie 2012 presentano infatti dati radicalmente diversi rispetto alle due citate competizioni per la segreteria del Partito democratico, e offrono alcuni spunti utili per riflettere sulle ragioni che hanno portato all’ascesa del giovane politico fiorentino e al suo successivo declino
Selecting the Leader in Italy and Spain”, Revista Espaňola de Ciencia Política
No full textEl objetivo preliminar del artículo es ilustrar los procedimientos de selección del liderazgo en Italia y
España, que desde este punto de vista se han desarrollado de manera muy diferentes. El objetivo principal
es, sin embargo, evaluar si las elecciones primarias abiertas tienen más probabilidades de dar lugar a confrontaciónes
divisivas en comparación con los procedimientos menos inclusivos de selección, como las
primarias cerradas o los Congresos de partido. Por esta razón comparo seis carreras para elegir el presidente
del partido y/o el candidato a jefe del ejecutivo promovido por el Partido Demócrata italiano y el
Partido Socialista Obrero Español durante los últimos años. El análisis empírico no proporciona evidencias
de una relación positiva entre inclusividad y divisividad, ya que los candidatos que se enfrentan en las primarias
abiertas generalmente mantienen actitudes moderadas durante la campaña, mientras que el principal
candidato apoyado por la élite es capaz de ganar con una ventaja significativa sobre los otros contendientes
Selecting the Labour Leader: from the Electoral College to Closed Primaries
No full textThe article aims at assessing the functioning and characteristics of the most
recent systems employed by the British Labour Party for selecting its leader. To this end
I compared five leadership races: the huge success of Tony Blair in 1994 in the newly
reformed electoral college system; the undisputed election of Gordon Brown in 2007;
the narrow and disputed victory of Ed Miliband in 2010, still held under the electoral
college system; the large but controversial successes of Jeremy Corbyn in the 2015 and
2016 closed primaries. The article first traces the evolution of the Labour leadership
election systems in recent decades. Secondly, the five leadership races are analyzed and
compared, taking into account two main variables: inclusiveness and divisiveness.
These have been addressed looking at indicators such as selectorate and candidacy
inclusiveness, campaign negativity, race competitiveness and elite attitude, which
transversally affects all the other dimensions. The findings suggest that intra-party
democracy may be dangerous for party unity and electability but the political context
remains much more important than the intrinsic characteristics of the system of
leadership selection used
Le primaires citoyennes del Parti Socialiste (2011) e le primarie di Italia Bene Comune (2012): molte somiglianze, esiti diversi
No full textThis article contributes to the debate concerning primary elections’ effi-
ciency (namely their capacity to select candidates who can be competitive in the general
election) by comparing two cases of primaries leading to opposite electoral outcomes. In
May 2012, a few months after the success in the so-called primaires citoyennes promoted
by the French Socialist Party and its allies, François Hollande attains the Presidency of
the Republic calling a halt to seventeen years of centre-right domination in France. Just
one year later the winner of the centre-left Italian primaries Pierluigi Bersani failed in
obtaining an absolute majority of seats in the February 2013 elections. The aim of the article
is to try to understand to what extent the different electoral performance of Hollande
and Bersani in the presidential and parliamentary elections can be explained by the
different characteristics of the primaries they faced. The two cases have been compared
on the basis of four key variables: inclusiveness, divisiveness, electability of the winning
candidate and party elite predilection for the candidates in the race. The results suggest a
substantial overlap between the French and Italian primaries: both were really inclusive
but not particularly divisive, while they did not favour the success of a candidate unwelcome
by the party elite. Accordingly I come to the conclusion that the negative result of
the Italian elections is to be sought in factors unrelated to the primaries. In fact Hollande
and Bersani partially diverged in terms of electability, but we cannot conclude that the
French and Italian selectorates adopted different voting criteria for their appointment,
as in both cases pragmatism seems to have prevailed over ideological considerations
From ‘Foreign Body’ to PD Leadership and Beyond. Explaining Matteo Renzi’s Path to Power through the Evolution of his Primaries’ Voters
No full textThis article examines the path to power of the current Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, by assessing the evolution of his voters’ characteristics between the 2012 and 2013 national primaries. The analysis is based on two extensive data sets the author herself has created together with the other members of the standing group, ‘Candidate and Leader Selection’, working within the Società Italiana di Scienza Politica (Italian Society of Political Science). The socio-demographic and political characteristics of participants in the primaries are described, while the characteristics of Renzi’s voters (RVs) are compared to those of non-Renzi voters (NRVs) and to the averages for the primaries’ participants generally. The findings clearly demonstrate that in the space of only one year RVs changed significantly: in 2012 they perfectly reflect the role of ‘foreign body’ played by their own candidate, who strongly distinguished himself from the primaries’ other candidates by gaining higher-than-average support among young voters and people having a centrist or even a right-wing political background. By contrast, in 2013 RVs become much more similar to the traditional left-wing and aged electorate used to voting in primary elections organised by the Democratic Party (PD) or the centre–left coalition as a whole. The analysis testifies that Renzi faced a kind of ‘normalisation’ in the eyes of the centre-left’s sympathisers, something that was both a cause and an effect of his acceptance by the party elite – an acceptance that allowed him to become PD general secretary first, and Prime Minister immediately thereafter
Does Inclusiveness Affect Divisiveness? A Comparative Analysis of Leadership Races in Five Western European Countries
No full textThis article assesses whether the recent development of more inclusive mechanisms to select both party chairmen/women and chief executive candidates makes leadership races (LRs) more divisive, that is, characterised by negative campaigns, close final results and intra-party conflicts in the contest's aftermath. The findings are based on a comparative qualitative analysis of 20 LRs held by Western European parties during the past two decades. The article argues that, the 'selectorate' being equal, the 'candidacy' dimension should also be considered to assess the inclusiveness of a LR, taking into account both the formal requirements and the interventions of party elites in the preselection phase to prevent potential candidates from running. The findings do not confirm the existance of a clear relationship between inclusiveness and divisiveness. Therefore this article suggests that highly divisive LRs tend to reflect preexisting internal fractures and that potential conflicts arising before or after the ballot do not depend on the selection system per se
L’europeizzazione dell’elite politica italiana ai tempi della crisi
No full textDuring the last years, mainly because of the dramatic economic crisis that affected the Eurozone, the process of European integration has been seriously questioned from a significant part of the public opinion and different political forces, which are becoming more and more relevant within their own countries. Also for what concern our country, several studies demonstrated a growing popular distrust toward EU institutions, but also at the elite level the «euro-enthusiasts» are continuously decreasing. As a consequence, the paper intends to analyse the attitudes towards the EU of current Italian MPs by means of the data collected in the months preceding the European elections of May 25th 2014 (and the month immediately after) on behalf of the ENEC (European National Elites and the Crisis) comparative project: an elite survey based on a representative sample of 80 deputies sorted by gender, years in parliament, and parliamentary party group. The findings confirm that most Italian MPs are largely dissatisfied with the current functioning of the EU system, but still they feel very attached to Europe and, rather than asking a step back on integration, they wish the allocation of a growing number of policy competences to EU institutions
Candidate selection methods and electoral performance in comparative perspective
No full textThe purpose of the article is try to assess whether inclusive procedures of selection are more likely to appoint a candidate who can be competitive in the general elections compared with less inclusive ones. Accordingly, I took into account nomination processes (NPs) to select/appoint the prime ministerial/ presidential candidate for general elections held in four Western European countries (France, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom) over approximately the last two decades. Using an original data source and innovative indicators, I assessed the inclusiveness of each NP and the party/candidate’s performance in the following general election in order to look for a possible relation. The outcome shows a very weak negative correlation between the two variables. Thus, while it does not appear that inclusive systems of selection have a clear positive impact at the electoral level, it is likewise hard to maintain that systems such as primary elections cause electoral failure
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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