112 research outputs found

    An ecological perspective for understanding radicalization processes. Insights from the French case

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    The phenomenon of jihadist radicalization has gained center-stage in public debates across Europe. A great deal of the media and scholarly attention has been devoted to the French case, not only because France has been hit by an impressive escalation of jihadist attacks in recent times, but also because it is the European country which has witnessed the highest number (in absolute terms) of young people leaving for Syria as “foreign fighters”. Indeed, contemporary “homegrown” jihadism arguably shows peculiar connections to francophone countries (McCants & Meserole, 2016). This spurred heated debates - within the French academic and policy-making communities as well the media and public opinion - around the motivations driving young people - who are overwhelmingly of immigrant descent - to adhere to jihadism, questioning the process of migrant integration and the treatment of Muslim minorities in francophone countries and in Europe more in general. One of the recurrent arguments in such debates traces the causes of the spread of jihadism in economic disadvantage and social marginalization, identifying the harsh life conditions of the “banlieues” as the main explanatory factor of this phenomenon. It is true that many Western – especially French – jihadist recruits are economic underperformers, often originating from poor and socially deprived areas. It is also undisputable that French public policies have failed in fostering the integration of its immigrants and are responsible for the marginalization that children of immigrants face. However, it appears that the lack of socio-economic integration, alone, can only partially explain the success of Jihadism (Mezzetti, 2016); more profound fractures linked to Muslims’ “symbolic integration” (Césari, 2015), i.e. how they are accepted and perceived by European receiving societies, better account for the success of this form of violent extremism. In particular, the depiction of Islam as incompatible with French presumed values or as the West’s “public enemy” build powerful symbolic barriers, hampering the full participation of Muslims into society and fuelling an exclusionary rhetoric of hate. The present chapter will seek to reconstruct how French public policies and discourses – encompassing France’s troubled colonial legacies - have come to shape such a fraught relationship with Islam and migration, identifying the reasons for the lack of such a “symbolic integration”. At the same time, this reconstruction needs to be complemented by an analysis of the processes by which jihadism has succeeded in imposing itself as a “plausible” alternative in the eyes of those who have become radicalized. Based on Latour's Actor-Network approach (2005), we contend that an ecological perspective is well-suited for grasping the appeal of the “jihadist endeavour”, whose “plausibility” emerges from the empirical analysis of a number of biographies and first-person accounts that we carried out. This allows us to disentangle apparently contrasting evidence: on one hand, identitarian cleavages occurring in European societies (e.g. in France or Germany), which result in the spread of Salafist countercultures (specularly reflected in the growth of fierce anti-Muslim sentiments); on the other, the inexistent or very low levels of religiosity frequently reported in the accounts of jihadists’ lives, which also include people with no Muslim or migrant background

    Banlieues, islam e radicalizzazione: tra fatti e miti

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    Tra il 2014 e il 2015, diversi accadimenti hanno avuto per protagonista il terrorismo di stampo islamico. I responsabili degli attacchi terroristici perpetrati in Europa condividono tutti una caratteristica: si tratta di immigrati di seconda generazione, cresciuti e socializzati nei paesi europei in cui hanno compiuto tali attacchi. A questi episodi di terrorismo si devono aggiungere i flussi di ragazzi e ragazze europei - discendenti di immigrati, ma anche di autoctoni - verso il cosiddetto "Stato Islamico" in Siria e in Iraq. Simili fenomeni sollecitano a interrogarsi sui processi di "radicalizzazione" e sulle motivazioni che spingono giovani di discendenza immigrata ad aderire al jihadismo, chiamando direttamente in causa la questione dell'integrazione dei migranti e del trattamento delle minoranze musulmane nelle società europee e ponendo interrogativi sull'efficacia delle politiche messe in atto in tali ambiti. In Francia, il paese più colpito dal terrorismo jihadista, il dibattito pubblico si è focalizzato sulle "banlieues", in quanto luoghi di segregazione, ove, accanto a gravi condizioni di svantaggio socio-economico, si registrerebbe una peculiare rilevanza della religione islamica per la popolazione di origine immigrata. Il capitolo analizza brevemente, in una prima sezione, le difficili condizioni economico-sociali e la segregazione socio-spaziale che caratterizzano le banlieues francesi; nella seconda sezione, prende in esame le forme di "revival religioso" che interessano questi luoghi, esplorandone le relazioni con il disagio e lo svantaggio socio-economico; in fine, alla luce delle due precedenti sezioni, affronta il fenomeno della radicalizzazione, con l'intento di provare a distinguere, all'interno delle rappresentazioni che si sono formate nel dibattito pubblico su questi temi, i "fatti" dai "miti"

    Migrations, Brain Drain and Global Justice: What Role for Corporations?

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    Among corporate social responsibility's concerns, the issues posed by international migrations have never been taken into proper consideration. However, as migrants are unanimously considered a “vulnerable group”, they are demonstrably more exposed to risks of exploitation and discrimination. Thus, corporations are to be held accountable for the fulfilment of their negative duty to respect the rights of the migrants they or their supply chain employ. While it is crucial to raise awareness about these topics, there is at least another question posed by international migrations that should deserve corporations' attention: the “brain drain” phenomenon. Brain drain is one of the major issues in global justice debates, as developed countries are blamed for depriving poor countries of their best human resources, thus hampering poor countries' development process. Since it is indisputable that corporations have a stake in the mobility of human capital worldwide, we deem that, in the framework of an updated definition of CSR, brain drain issues would involve corporations' positive duty to contribute to realize global justice. Nevertheless, it appears that the potential initiatives that the private sector could undertake in the domain of brain drain represent a still unexplored field. Thus, what the present contribution will provide is, one hand, an account of MNCs' responsibilities with respect to migrants' rights, and, on the other hand, an attempt to put forward a hypothesis of study, with the aim of identifying the role that corporations could play in mitigating the negative effects caused by brain drain

    Banlieues, Islam and Radicalisation: Between Facts and Myths

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    Between 2014 and 2015, Islamic terrorism was responsible for various events in Europe. The authors of these acts all seem to share a common characteristic: they are all second-generation immigrants, who grew up and were socialized in the European countries where these attacks took place. To these episodes of terrorism, we must add the flows of young Europeans – mainly of immigrant descent, but also some natives – towards the so-called “Islamic State” in Syria and Iraq. Such phenomena raise the issue of the motivations that drive young people of immigrant descent to adhere to Jihadism, questioning the pro-cess of migrant integration, the treatment of Muslim minorities in Europe-an societies and the efficacy of policies adopted in these domains. In France - the country that was most affected by jihadist terrorism - the debate spurred by these dramatic events focused on the “banlieues”: places characterized by significant levels of segregation and a vast socio-economic disadvantage, where religion has a peculiar importance for second-gernation Muslims. Following the tragic events of January and November 2015, some have hypothesised a correlation between the attacks and the segregation of the population of immigrant oriigin in banlieues, thus providing a geographical interpretation of the increased visibility of Islam and establishing a link between the latter and the phenomena of radicalisation and terrorism. The chapter explores the links and the reciprocal, potential connections between the living conditions of the banlieues, the forms of the so-called “religious revival” (also ultra-Orthodox) among part of the young Muslims who live there, and the phenomenon of terrorism. The aim is to distinguish between “facts” and “myths” within the public opin-ion’s representations of these issues. Firstly, it will analyse the nature of the relationship between socio-economic disadvantage and the spread of religious practices. Secondly, it will try to explore the possible existence of links between terrorism and the banlieues’ social conditions, on the one hand, and between terrorism and the increased religiosity of young Muslims, on the other

    Political opportunity structures and the activism of first- and second-generation Muslims in two Italian cities

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    The contribution describes Muslims’ opportunities for activism and political participation, as shaped institutionally and discursively, in Milan and Turin. It analyses the interplay between the national level and the local level, and assesses the implications that contrasting local arrangements have for Muslims’ activism, claims-making and, to a certain extent, even self-identifications – especially with reference to young, second-generation Muslims. In Milan, Muslims are confronted with a very closed system of political opportunities, while Turin crated a much more open system, which aims at co-opting second-generation organisations in particular. The consequence is that while in Milan Muslims – especially second-generation ones – are resigned to being merely the recipients of integration policies, in Turin they can conceive themselves more as partners of the city’s institutions, by resorting to a strategy of ‘active citizenship’

    Ukrainian Caregivers in Italy in Times of Polycrisis. Between Precarization and Resilience

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    Based on 20 semi-structured interviews collected in Italy between May and October 2022, the present article examines the lived experience of precarity of Ukrainian caregivers in times of polycrisis—namely, the COVID pandemic and the war which affects their country of origin, Ukraine. The interviewees’ self-narratives show an acute awareness of the suffering that a pervasive precarity has caused them all along their trajectories and during such crises, as they endured legal precarity, economic precarity, housing precarity, and affective precarity. In describing the hardship endured, interviewees adopt a language of resilience, depicting themselves as strong(er) and bold women, used to difficulties. A closer look allows to appreciate the nuances of such claimed resilience: in line with studies focusing on dynamics of precarization (Armano et al., 2022; Lorey 2015), we distinguish between “forced resilience,” on one hand, corresponding to narratives that convey the internalization of an imperative of adaptability, performance, and self-discipline, entailing the acceptance of adverse situations, and, on the other hand, “self-aware resilience,” corresponding to narratives that express the desire to be identified with the strength shown in overcoming obstacles, rather than with the sufferance caused by these obstacles. Lastly, we highlight the gendered and geopolitical dimensions of these forms of resilience, as our participants emphasized that belonging to the community of fellow Ukrainian female caregivers has been a crucial resource for coping with difficulties throughout their trajectories—particularly since the onset of the Russian invasion—ultimately contributing to the forging of a shared “culture of resilience.

    Political opportunity structures and the activism of first- and second-generation Muslims in two Italian cities

    No full text
    The present contribution describes Muslims’ opportunities for activism and political participation, as shaped institutionally and discursively, in Milan and Turin. It analyses the interplay between the national level and the local level, and assesses the implications that contrasting local arrangements have for Muslims’ activism, claims-making and, to a certain extent, even self-identifications – especially with reference to young, second-generation Muslims. In Milan Muslims are confronted with a very closed system of political opportunities, while in Turin there appears to be a much more open system, which aims at co-opting second-generation organisations in particular. The consequence is that while in Milan Muslims – especially second-generation ones – are resigned to being merely the recipients of integration policies, in Turin they can conceive themselves more as partners of the city’s institutions, by resorting to a strategy of ‘active citizenship’. The chapter was originally published as a special issue of Religion, State & Society

    Storie di jihadismo. Il processo di radicalizzazione e la sua plausibilità

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    Nell’arco di tempo compreso tra la strage parigina alla redazione di Charlie Hebdo e l’estate 2016 si è assistito a una autentica escalation di attentati terroristici a diverso titolo riconducibili al mondo della galassia jihadista. Il fenomeno dell'homegrown terrrorism suscita interrogativi circa le motivazioni che spingono a sottoscrivere la causa jihadista. L’approccio che intendiamo adottare nel presente capitolo, basato su una prospettiva ecologica e sull'Actor-Network Theory di Latour, intende porre l’accento sull’analisi delle “storie” di chi ha vissuto un percorso di radicalizzazione jihadista, partendo precisamente dal presupposto della plausibilità di un determinato corso di azione. Secondo tale approccio, esistono diversi “regimi di plausibilità”, tali per cui traiettorie come quelle jihadiste non sono, ma divengono plausibili. Il contributo ha la seguente struttura: nel primo paragrafo si dà brevemente conto di cosa si intende con l’espressione “regimi di plausibilità”; nel secondo paragrafo vengono esplicitati gli elementi che, concatenandosi, vanno a costruire questa stessa plausibilità; nel terzo paragrafo si illustra, mediante il ricorso ad alcune storie di jihadisti, tratte dalla letteratura scientifica e dalle fonti paraletterarie giudicate maggiormente attendibili, come gli elementi sopra identificati agiscano nel modellamento delle traiettorie di radicalizzazione, evidenziando in particolar modo quegli snodi che sembrano, se non smentire, quantomeno problematizzare le interpretazioni maggiormente diffuse entro il dibattito pubblico; infine, nelle conclusioni, si propone un bilancio di questa analisi alla luce del più ampio dibattito in materia e un rilancio in termini di ulteriori piste di indagine che divengono pertinenti e necessarie

    La parola agli addetti UPP Un’indagine con questionario sull’inserimento dell’addetto UPP negli UUGG: il caso veneto

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    Il presente testo illustra e discute i risultati riguardanti il distretto del Veneto di un’indagine con questionario somministrato agli addetti UPP della macroarea Nord-est. L’indagine aveva lo scopo di comprendere le modalità di inserimento del nuovo profilo funzionale dell’addetto all’Ufficio per il Processo (UPP) negli Uffici Giudiziari, per rilevare criticità e buone prassi nell’impiego di questa figura ai fini dell’efficientamento delle attività degli UUGG. I risultati indicano che gli addetti UPP sono in grado di garantire effettivamente, con le attività che dichiarano di svolgere in prevalenza, il raccordo tra attività giurisdizionale e attività di cancelleria previsto nelle intenzioni della normativa. Si segnala tuttavia una divergente interpretazione del proprio ruolo tra una parte consistente dei rispondenti che riferiscono di faticare a suddividersi tra magistrati e cancellerie o di svolgere troppe mansioni di pertinenza delle cancellerie. Viene fornita un’interpretazione delle ragioni di tali profili di criticità, insieme a una breve discussione delle loro implicazioni

    RELIGIOSITY AND SELF-IDENTIFICATIONS PROCESSES AMONG MUSLIMSIN ITALY

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    La religiosità e i processi di auto-identificazione di giovani con background musulmano in Occidente soggiacciono a una doppia dinamica: da un lato, essi devono misurarsi con una narrazione negativa che dipinge l’Islam come “altro” e “diverso”; dall’altro, la loro religione subisce un processo di deculturazione (Roy 2004), ovvero lo scollegamento tra cultura e Islam in contesto di emigrazione. Sulla base di uno studio qualitativo, (60 interviste biografiche e osservazione partecipante) condotto in due città italiane (Milano e Torino), la tesi indaga come giovani con background musulmano articolino la loro appartenenza religiosa attraverso le loro pratiche quotidiane (Ammerman 2007), comparando in particolare giovani attivi nel mondo associativo religioso (impegnati in particolare come volontari o staff del ramo italiano dell’organizzazione umanitaria Islamic Relief) e giovani non interessati al coinvolgimento in organizzazioni religiose. La ricerca esamina così le pratiche religiose, nonché le risorse impiegate per la costruzione della propria identità, tra giovani musulmani “iper-visibili” (pubblicamente attivi e devoti - Jeldtoft 2013) e “non-visibili” (i cui sentimenti di appartenenza alla comunità di riferimento sono meno ovvi) sviluppando una tipologia di “riflessività religiosa” ed esplorando forme di visibilizzazione e invisibilizzazione della religiosità.In Western countries, the religiosity and self-identification of youths with a Muslim background is shaped by a double dynamic: on one hand, they face negative discourses that cast Islam as “Different” and “Other”; on the other, their religion undergoes a process of deculturation (Roy 2004) - that is, the disconnection between culture and Islam in contexts of emigration. On the basis of a qualitative study (60 in-depth interviews and participant observation) carried out in two Italian cities (Milan and Turin), this thesis investigates how Italian descendants of Muslim migrants articulate and live their religious belonging, by analysing the “everyday lived religion” (Ammerman 2007) of youths acting as volunteers or staff members in the Italian branch of Islamic Relief (the largest Sunni international humanitarian NGOs) and of youths who are not active or involved in any religious or ethnic/national organisation. Hence, the study examines how feelings of religiosity and resources mobilized for identity-building differ between “hyper-visible” young Muslims - i.e. publicly active, vocal and devout (Jeldtoft 2013) - and “non-visible” ones - who have less of an obvious group bound. The study develops a typology of different forms of “religious reflexivity” and explores forms of visible and invisible religiosity
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