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    Le espressioni assiali in russo

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    In this paper I discuss Russian prepositional phrases introduced by axial part lexical prepositions (i.e. AxParts). Russian AxPart items are morphologically complex: they are formed by a functional preposition and a nominal element with different case markers, depending on the interpretation (stative or directional) of the locative expression. I analyze the internal structure of Russian AxPart items following the universal structure of locative expressions proposed by Cinque, focusing in particular on the impossibility of expressing an additional complement in directional AxPart PPs. I discuss, in addition, the nominal nature of the axial elements in relation to the hypothesis of the presence of a silent nominal element (PLACE) embedded in the syntactic structure of locative PPs

    Cancellazione dei riflessivi e diatesi media in russo

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    The author discusses the distribution of the reflexive anaphora sebja and the middle voice affix -sja/-s’ in Russian. The analysis is based on a derivational version of the Binding theory; it is argued that anaphors are non-deleted copies of moved arguments. The Russian data are discussed assuming that in languages where the middle voice morphology can encode reflexivity, anaphors can be canceled in standard object position, where Accusative Case is assigned. This entails that direct object anaphors, when realized, are not in the structural position where they receive Accusative Case; it is argued that they can surface in Focus positions. The final part of the paper is dedicated to the analysis of the formal status of the middle voice affix

    Some considerations on the syntax of expletive subjects in Old Venetan and the emergence of subject clitics

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    Old Venetan varieties display different forms of third person subject pronouns. In particular, the reduced monosyllabic and asyllabic forms are stronglyrelated to the expletive subject function. Even if the reduced forms do not have the same distribution of subject clitics in Modern Venetan, it can be argued that these forms have become clitics before the other pronouns. The article takes into consideration the syntax of expletive subjects in Old Venetan in relation to the rise of subject clitics in these varieties

    La concordanza negativa nel volgare veneto delle Origini

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    In this paper I analyse the variation displayed by Old Venetan texts regarding Negative Concord with preverbal items. Venetian displays strict Negative Concord, while Paduan and Veronese have mandatory preverbal negation only with negative adverbs and the negative coordination particle. With argumental quantifiers (like ‘nobody’) preverbal negation is very rare in these varieties. I propose that the distribution is driven by two factors: the category of the preverbal negative item, and its structural position above the inflected verb
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