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    Nota a Bacchilide (frr. 15 e 15a Maehler)

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    The note by Lactantius Placidus to Stat. Theb. VII 330-1 Sweeney is full of references to Bacchylides: fr. 15 M. (the very beginning of a hyporchema to Athena Itonia), fr. 15a (the quotation of the epithet Alalkomenia) and a reference to the ode 23 M.; a new reading of the note permits to re-determine the nature and extension of the fr. 15a M. (not the epithet Alalkomenia, as Snell thought, but the very section et ipsam [sc. Minervam] Alalkomenen significavit) and to claim that the same Bacchylides’ ode (frr. 15 and 15a M.), probably, referred to both Athena Itonia and Alalkomene, whose sanctuaries were the most important in archaic Boeotia and very near to each other

    Apollodoro e gli epiteti di Hermes ἐριούνιος, σῶκος e ἀκάκητα. Note al testo di Cornuto Comp. 16.3 e Ap.Soph. s.v. σῶκος (148, 15-22 Bekker)

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    Apollodorus’ interpretation of Hermes’ epithets ἀκάκητα, σῶκος and ἐριούνιος, from his theological treatise Περὶ θεῶν, can be reconstructed comparing the most important (and chronological near) witnesses of the work, the Homeric lexicon by Apollonius the Sophist (I sec. AD?), Cornutus’ allegorical manual (I sec. AD) and the Homeric allegories by Heraclitus (I-II AD?). Apollonius’ lexicon is fundamental, inasmuch its author is not interested in altering Apollodorus’ interpretations. According to this reconstruction, Apollodorus intented ἐριούνιος as the «helpful» (from ὀνίνημι), σῶκος as the «strong» (from the Attic verb σωκέω, «to have the strength») – in this case Cornutus is useful to integrate Apollonius’ text – ἀκάκητα as the «giver of no evil» (perfectly complementary of the Homeric epithet δώτωρ ἐάων, «giver of goods»). These epithets reflect the highly positive nature of the god, seen by Apollodorus as the «reason» (λόγος). F. 5 Bernabé from the poem Phoronis, quoted in Et.M. s.v. ἐριούνιος, probably is mediated through Apollodorus’ Περὶ θεῶν (Appendix)

    Uno schema di interpretazione teorica dei filoni di ricerca sul knowledge management

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    Il tema del Knowledge Management (KM) rappresenta uno degli argomenti più dibattuti nell’ambito delle più recenti discussioni della comunità scientifica. Questo interesse ha determinato una grande mole di studi ed approfondimenti, ma anche un tessuto abbastanza complesso fatto di contributi di differenti tipologie e provenienze. Scopo di questo articolo è quello di proporre sulla base di alcune variabili discriminanti un possibile schema esemplificativo dei diversi filoni di ricerca che possono essere fatti rientrare all’interno dell’ampio campo del KM

    Tomouroi o tomourai come congettura antica a Hom. p 403 (Strab. Geogr. VII 7, 11)?

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    According to Eustathius, the 12th century Homeric commentator who could read the complete book VII of Strabo’s Geography, at VII 7, 11 the ancient reading proposed for Hom. Od. XVI 403 is not tomouroi, as in MSS and modern editions of Strabo, but tomourai. The first indicates the prophets of the sanctuary of Zeus at Dodona, the second their prophecies; both rare terms are quoted in the passage, and the second was easily confused with the first one. The textual discussion comes from Apollodorus’ commentary on the Homeric Catalogue of Ships; a reconstruction of Eustathius’ sources about Dodona is given too. Appendix: A better reconstruction of Strabo VII fr. 1 Radt is made possible by comparison of two Apollodorean testimonia (Eustathius on Hom. Od. XIV 327-28 and Sch. in Soph. Trach. 172). The fragment should include a quotation from Herodotus (II 57). Apollodorus appears to discuss about the Dodona doves, in order to explain the disturbing fact that the birds, according to an established tradition, could speak

    recensione a M. Taufer (a cura di), Sguardi interdisciplinari sulla religiosità dei Geto-Daci, Freiburg i. Br., Rombach Verlag, 2013, pp. 249, illustrazioni

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    recensione a M. Taufer (a cura di), Sguardi interdisciplinari sulla religiosità dei Geto-Daci, Freiburg i. Br., Rombach Verlag, 2013, pp. 249, illustrazion

    Erodiano e l'accentazione dorica

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    Apollodoro e la Licia

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    Processi partecipativi e salute mentale: opportunità e sfide

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    Il contributo si propone di analizzare un'iniziativa di rigenerazione sociale urbana di una ex istituzione totale. Per farlo, riteniamo essenziale illustrare le iniziative di ricerca partecipativa messe in campo, provando a individuare le conoscenze emerse, quelle utili dal punto di vi-sta dello sviluppo dei processi di apprendimento. Altri aspetti su cui foca-lizzare l’attenzione riguardano la diffusione della conoscenza, a partire da-gli strumenti utilizzati, e il coinvolgimento delle governance territoria-li. Attraverso alcune esperienze, intendiamo riflettere sulle pratiche metodologiche, artistiche e partecipative sviluppate da prospettive interdisciplinari al confine tra sociologia, architettura e arte. La prima sezione riflette sulle conoscenze acquisite attraverso approcci metodologici creativi. Si in-tende poi mostrare come le conoscenze emerse abbiano contribuito al rag-giungimento degli obiettivi e quali condizioni, fattori o individui abbiano facilitato il processo di apprendimento. Infine, si presentano le sfide e i metodi impiegati per diffondere i risultati e si valuta il potenziale delle tecniche artistiche nella rimozione dello stigma simbolico associato a que-sti luoghi

    Cornelio Nepote e la datazione di Omero

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    It is well-known that C. Nepos’ Chronica strongly depended from Apollodorus of Athens’ homonymous work but, though accepting the latter’s datation of many important events of Greek archaic epoch, offered a different date of Homer’s akmé – 914, against Apollodorus’ 944. Jacoby argued that Nepos confused akmé and nomoqesiva in the biography of Lycurgus, which was related to – and helped to determine – Homer’s one. This correct view can be precised : Nepos, in the passage of Apollodorus’ Chronikà dedicated to the Spartan lawgiver, read that Lycurgus lived 30 years later than Homer ; wrongly, Nepos intended that 884, when the Spartan lawgiver was 70 years old and began the renowned constitutional reforms, was the latter’s akmé – i.e. 40th year of the man. Accordingly, Nepos deduced a new Homeric acme at 914 : the Leichtigkeitsfehler Jacoby charges him with, is that Nepos did not check this datation in the previous passage, within Apollodorus’ Chronikà, dedicated to Homer’s biography. The authour of the Latina historia, source of Jerome’ Canons for the Alban period, put Homer at an even lower date, near to Lycurgus’ reforms : probably he relied on Nepos, but wrongly intended that the poet and the lawgiver were contemporary – a misunderstanding in addition to the previous one

    Eforo e Apollodoro in Strabone

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    I. Strabo, who held Ephorus in high esteem (the Geographer is the most important source of his fragments after Diodorus), exploits most of all the first books of his Histories (I-III and IV-V, of mythographic and antiquarian/geographical nature respectively) in order to describe the ancient history of each greek region; an alternative source is the Commentary to the Homeric Catalogue of ships of Apollodor of Athens. The latter work informs Strabo if the (more ancient) Ephorean version is outdated or not. II. Strabo’s Delphic essay (IX 3, 5-12) is to ascribe to Ephorus, quoted at the end (parr. 11-12), because of many reasons: the antiquarian nature of the essay; internal unity; complementarity with Ephorus’ quotation, who narrates the ktisis of the sanctuary; the emerging of an episode in Diod. XVI; compatibility of the historical picture. Some elements of Ephorus’ method are also emerging, such as the use of literature as historical source (Pindar, but Homer and Aeschylus, Eum. too) and the (possible) use of autoptical data (inscriptions; signs of recent Phocean plunder). Delphic history is seen deterministically: its richness is caused by central position; the sanctuary knows a succession of plunders, tempted or done
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