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Apollodoro e gli epiteti di Hermes ἐριούνιος, σῶκος e ἀκάκητα. Note al testo di Cornuto Comp. 16.3 e Ap.Soph. s.v. σῶκος (148, 15-22 Bekker)
No full textApollodorus’ interpretation of Hermes’ epithets ἀκάκητα, σῶκος and ἐριούνιος, from his theological treatise Περὶ θεῶν, can be reconstructed comparing the most important (and chronological near) witnesses of the work, the Homeric lexicon by Apollonius the Sophist (I sec. AD?), Cornutus’ allegorical manual (I sec. AD) and the Homeric allegories by Heraclitus (I-II AD?). Apollonius’ lexicon is fundamental, inasmuch its author is not interested in altering Apollodorus’ interpretations. According to this reconstruction, Apollodorus intented ἐριούνιος as the «helpful» (from ὀνίνημι), σῶκος as the «strong» (from the Attic verb σωκέω, «to have the strength») – in this case Cornutus is useful to integrate Apollonius’ text – ἀκάκητα as the «giver of no evil» (perfectly complementary of the Homeric epithet δώτωρ ἐάων, «giver of goods»). These epithets reflect the highly positive nature of the god, seen by Apollodorus as the «reason» (λόγος). F. 5 Bernabé from the poem Phoronis, quoted in Et.M. s.v. ἐριούνιος, probably is mediated through Apollodorus’ Περὶ θεῶν (Appendix)
recensione a: Epaphroditus Chaeronensis, edd. BRUCE KARL BRASWELL, MARGARETHE BILLERBECK,The Grammarian Epaphroditus. Testimonia and Fragments. Edited and translated with Introduction, Notes and Commentary, Bern, P. Lang (Sapheneia, 13 2008). Un vol. di pp. 454.
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Apollodoro di Atene e la dottrina aristarchea: l'armatura degli eroi omerici e l'uso dei τρόποι. Una rilettura di P.Oxy.2260 col. I (Περὶ θεῶν)
No full textIn P.Oxy. 2260, col. I (from Apollodorus’ treatise About the Gods, 2nd c. BCE) Athena’s epithet δολιχάορος is rejected, since a correct etymology of it is inconsistent with the iconography of the goddess. A new reading of the papyrus offers a more correct analysis of this very passage. The comment aims also to show how much Apollodorus ows to his teacher Aristarchus, from the antiquarian point of view (the armour of the Homeric heroes) as well as from the rhetorical one (which is confirmed by many Aristonicean scholia). Significantly, P.Oxy. 2260 attests the use of the term τρόπος in a rhetorical sense, thereby predating the hitherto first known occurrences of it (Philodemus and Cicero). The Hellenistic debate on the poetic term ἄορ (Philetas; Callimachus) is also reconstructed, as well as the ancient interpretations of Apollo’s epithet χρυσάορος. Finally, some reflections on the categories used by Apollodorus in interpreting the divine epithets
Tomouroi o tomourai come congettura antica a Hom. p 403 (Strab. Geogr. VII 7, 11)?
No full textAccording to Eustathius, the 12th century Homeric commentator who could read the
complete book VII of Strabo’s Geography, at VII 7, 11 the ancient reading proposed for Hom.
Od. XVI 403 is not tomouroi, as in MSS and modern editions of Strabo, but tomourai. The
first indicates the prophets of the sanctuary of Zeus at Dodona, the second their prophecies;
both rare terms are quoted in the passage, and the second was easily confused with the first
one. The textual discussion comes from Apollodorus’ commentary on the Homeric Catalogue
of Ships; a reconstruction of Eustathius’ sources about Dodona is given too. Appendix: A better
reconstruction of Strabo VII fr. 1 Radt is made possible by comparison of two Apollodorean
testimonia (Eustathius on Hom. Od. XIV 327-28 and Sch. in Soph. Trach. 172). The fragment
should include a quotation from Herodotus (II 57). Apollodorus appears to discuss about the
Dodona doves, in order to explain the disturbing fact that the birds, according to an established
tradition, could speak
Il grammatico Epafrodito (fr. 65 Braswell-Billerbeck), Imbro e la Samo callimachea (fr. 599 Pf.)
No full textFr. 65 Braswell-Billerbeck of the grammarian Epaphroditus (Et. Gen. s.v. ”Imbrasoj) appears to belong to his commentary on the Iliad rather than to that on the Callimachean Aitia: the real lemma of the etymological entry word refers to a Homeric term (the patronimic Imbrasides of the Thracian hero Peiros: Ilias IV 520); the explanation involves the North-Egean (and near to Thrace) island Imbros; thus the context of the Epaphroditean interpretation seems to be coherently Thracian. Therefore the provenance of fr. 65 from the commentary on the Aitia, viz. fr. 599 Pf., which regards Samian traditions, is to be excluded
recensione a M. Taufer (a cura di), Sguardi interdisciplinari sulla religiosità dei Geto-Daci, Freiburg i. Br., Rombach Verlag, 2013, pp. 249, illustrazioni
No full textrecensione a M. Taufer (a cura di), Sguardi interdisciplinari sulla religiosità dei Geto-Daci, Freiburg i. Br., Rombach Verlag, 2013, pp. 249, illustrazion
Cornelio Nepote e la datazione di Omero
No full textIt is well-known that C. Nepos’ Chronica strongly depended from Apollodorus of Athens’ homonymous
work but, though accepting the latter’s datation of many important events of Greek
archaic epoch, offered a different date of Homer’s akmé – 914, against Apollodorus’ 944. Jacoby
argued that Nepos confused akmé and nomoqesiva in the biography of Lycurgus, which was
related to – and helped to determine – Homer’s one. This correct view can be precised : Nepos,
in the passage of Apollodorus’ Chronikà dedicated to the Spartan lawgiver, read that Lycurgus
lived 30 years later than Homer ; wrongly, Nepos intended that 884, when the Spartan lawgiver
was 70 years old and began the renowned constitutional reforms, was the latter’s akmé – i.e. 40th
year of the man. Accordingly, Nepos deduced a new Homeric acme at 914 : the Leichtigkeitsfehler
Jacoby charges him with, is that Nepos did not check this datation in the previous passage,
within Apollodorus’ Chronikà, dedicated to Homer’s biography. The authour of the Latina historia,
source of Jerome’ Canons for the Alban period, put Homer at an even lower date, near to
Lycurgus’ reforms : probably he relied on Nepos, but wrongly intended that the poet and the
lawgiver were contemporary – a misunderstanding in addition to the previous one
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