259 research outputs found
Robert Filmer e a emergência da filosofia liberal
No full textThe sustained thesis throughout the text Robert Filmer and the emergence of liberal
philosophy was oriented from start to finish by the following problem: if we consider the Two
Treatises of Government by John Locke as the first book which lists the basic principles of
what we could call liberal philosophy, which were the sources that influenced the English
philosopher in the construction of this theory? The explanation of these response is pursued
throughout this work and follows of the required decomposition of the proposed problem.
First, Locke cites no tradition or authors who exercised direct influence on the composition of
his major political works, but makes a great effort to refute an author considered of occasion
and little known by his contemporaries, it is Robert Filmer and his démodé patriarchal theory.
Secondly, the study of the works of Filmer has provided an extensive and detailed theoretical
context whose principles and guidelines often assume the thesis of Locke and anticipate in
over fifty years. These two observations, we raise the hypothesis that the secret of the
influences of the political philosophy of Locke can be discovered by the theories and authors
criticized for Filmer throughout their works. Additionally, to be possible conjecture that the
works of Filmer map and try to refute the emergence of certain ideas which later, gathered by
the pen of Locke, can be understood as the seeds of liberal philosophy. The pages that follow
are intended to demonstrate this hypothesis through the strategic analysis of the political
thought of Filmer and authors he attacks, then to investigate the key elements of the political
philosophy of John Locke. Through this route, we can demonstrate not only why Locke can
be understood with the one responsible for systematizing what we call liberal philosophy, but
also establish that the main responsible for the spread of these ideas wrote his works between
the end of the century first half of the sixteenth and seventeenth century.CAPESA tese sustentada ao longo do texto Robert Filmer e a emergência da filosofia liberal foi
orientada do início ao fim pelo seguinte problema: se considerarmos os Dois tratados sobre o
governo de John Locke como a primeira obra que elenca os princípios básicos daquilo que
podemos denominar de filosofia liberal, quais foram as fontes que influenciaram o filósofo
inglês na construção desta teoria? A explanação dessa resposta é perseguida no decorrer deste
trabalho e segue da necessária decomposição do problema proposto. Em primeiro lugar,
Locke não cita nenhuma tradição ou autores que exerceram influência direta na composição
de suas principais obras políticas, mas faz um grande esforço para refutar um autor
considerado de ocasião e pouco conhecido pelos seus contemporâneos, trata-se de Robert
Filmer e sua démodé teoria patriarcal. Em segundo lugar, o estudo das obras de Filmer tem
fornecido um amplo e detalhado contexto teórico cujos princípios e orientações muitas vezes
supõem as teses de Locke e as antecipam em mais de cinquenta anos. Dessas duas
constatações, levantamos a hipótese segundo a qual o segredo das influências da filosofia
política de Locke pode ser descoberto pelas teorias e autores criticados por Filmer ao longo de
suas obras. Além disso, é possível conjecturar que as obras de Filmer mapeiam e tentam
refutar a emergência de certas ideias a quais, mais tarde reunidas pela pena de Locke, podem
ser compreendidas como os germes da filosofia liberal. As páginas que seguem têm com
objetivo demonstrar essa hipótese por meio da análise estratégica do pensamento político de
Filmer e dos autores que ele ataca, para em seguida investigar os principais elementos da
filosofia política de John Locke. Por meio desse percurso, pensamos poder demonstrar não
somente as razões pelas quais Locke pode ser compreendido com um dos responsáveis por
sistematizar o que denominamos de filosofia liberal, mas também estabelecer que os
principais responsáveis pela difusão dessas ideias escreveram suas obras entre o final do
século XVI e primeira metade do século XVII
Slaves, vassals and men: the idea of consent in the Locke-Filmer polemics
No full textOs Dois tratados sobre o governo, de John Locke, têm um papel de destaque na filosofia política das Luzes. Neles, ao afirmar as idéias de liberdade e igualdade naturais dos homens, o autor mina as bases do pensamento absolutista. Apesar de ser no Segundo tratado que o autor estabelece de modo mais evidente sua teoria política, é importante notar que o pressuposto lógico desta obra é o Primeiro tratado sobre o governo, texto menos conhecido e estudado pela história da filosofia, no qual Locke refuta de forma minuciosa as idéias de Robert Filmer, sistematizador da doutrina patriarcalista e do direito divino dos reis. Ao rejeitar argumentos de Filmer, Locke mostra que o poder político não se constitui apenas de vontade, mas envolve consenso, lei e entendimento. O propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o lado menos conhecido desse debate: os argumentos elaborados por Filmer para criticar a teoria da soberania popular e o contratualismo nem sempre são respondidos com eficácia absoluta por Locke. Além disso, a intenção é também expor o quanto o pensamento lockiano é marcado pelas asserções de Filmer, cujas idéias podem ter mais importância do que história da filosofia lhe tem atribuído.John Locke\'s \"Two Treatises on Government\" have an important role in the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. By stating the ideas of the natural liberty and equality of men, the author undermines the bases of the absolutist thought. If it is in the Second Treatise that the author establishes his political theory in a more evident way, it is important to notice that the logical presupposition of this work is the First Treatise on Government, a less known text in which Locke refutes in a minutious way the ideas of Robert Filmer, who sistematized the patriarchalist doctrine, as well as the one concerning the divine right of kings. By rejecting Filmer\'s statements, Locke shows that political power is not constituted only by will, but involves consent, law and understanding. This work aims to present an aspect of this debate which is less known: the arguments elaborated by Filmer to criticize the theory of popular sovereignty as well as contractarianism are not always answered with total eficacy by Locke. Besides, we intend to expose how much the Lockean thought is determined by Filmer, whose thought may have a greater importance than what the history of philosophy has attributed to it
Slaves, vassals and men: the idea of consent in the Locke-Filmer polemics
No full textOs Dois tratados sobre o governo, de John Locke, têm um papel de destaque na filosofia política das Luzes. Neles, ao afirmar as idéias de liberdade e igualdade naturais dos homens, o autor mina as bases do pensamento absolutista. Apesar de ser no Segundo tratado que o autor estabelece de modo mais evidente sua teoria política, é importante notar que o pressuposto lógico desta obra é o Primeiro tratado sobre o governo, texto menos conhecido e estudado pela história da filosofia, no qual Locke refuta de forma minuciosa as idéias de Robert Filmer, sistematizador da doutrina patriarcalista e do direito divino dos reis. Ao rejeitar argumentos de Filmer, Locke mostra que o poder político não se constitui apenas de vontade, mas envolve consenso, lei e entendimento. O propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o lado menos conhecido desse debate: os argumentos elaborados por Filmer para criticar a teoria da soberania popular e o contratualismo nem sempre são respondidos com eficácia absoluta por Locke. Além disso, a intenção é também expor o quanto o pensamento lockiano é marcado pelas asserções de Filmer, cujas idéias podem ter mais importância do que história da filosofia lhe tem atribuído.John Locke\'s \"Two Treatises on Government\" have an important role in the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. By stating the ideas of the natural liberty and equality of men, the author undermines the bases of the absolutist thought. If it is in the Second Treatise that the author establishes his political theory in a more evident way, it is important to notice that the logical presupposition of this work is the First Treatise on Government, a less known text in which Locke refutes in a minutious way the ideas of Robert Filmer, who sistematized the patriarchalist doctrine, as well as the one concerning the divine right of kings. By rejecting Filmer\'s statements, Locke shows that political power is not constituted only by will, but involves consent, law and understanding. This work aims to present an aspect of this debate which is less known: the arguments elaborated by Filmer to criticize the theory of popular sovereignty as well as contractarianism are not always answered with total eficacy by Locke. Besides, we intend to expose how much the Lockean thought is determined by Filmer, whose thought may have a greater importance than what the history of philosophy has attributed to it
Missbruk och kön i filmer - En kritisk diskursanalys om hur filmer framställer missbruk utifrån ett könsperspektiv
No full textZaimovic, F. Missbruk och kön i filmer. En kritisk diskursanalys om hur filmer framställer missbruk utifrån ett könsperspektiv. Masteruppsats i Socialt Arbete, 30 högskolepoäng. Malmö Universitet: Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle, institutionen för socialt arbete, 2020. Abstract: Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur diskursen i filmer som handlar om missbruk kan tänkas reproducera och upprätthålla sociala strukturer gällande könsroller i missbrukmiljöer ur ett genusperspektiv. Forskningen i denna uppsats använder sig av en kritisk diskursanalytisk metod. Materialet består av filmer, som har setts av författaren och analyserats i tur och ordning. Genom den kritiska diskursanalysen har materialet analyserats där man kan påvisa hur sociala strukturer i de framställs, hur de kan tänkas reproducera strukturer men också fungera som förändrande. Genusteori och dess teori om genuskontraktet samt feministisk filmteori används som uppsatsens teoretiska grund. Det som kommer fram i filmerna är att missbruksvärlden beskrivs på ett stereotypiserande sätt, där det går att utkristallisera strukturer och normer genom genusteorin. Kvinnligt missbruk kontra manligt missbruk ser annorlunda ut i verkligheten och på film blir skillnaderna ännu tydligare då det ritas med fet stil för att konturerna ska bli tydligare och vad det är man sänder ut.Zaimovic, F. Addiction and gender in movies. A critical discourse analyses about movies depiction of addiction through a gender perspective. Masters degree in social work, 30 högskolepoäng. Malmö university: Faculty of health and society, Department of social work, 2020. The purpose of the thesis is to investigate how the discourse in movie that deal with addiction can be reproduced and maintain social structures regarding gender roles in addictive environments from a gender perspective. The research in this essay uses a critical discourse analysis as a method. The material consists of movies, which have been viewed by the author and analysed in turn. Through the critical discourse analysis, the material has been analysed where it is possible to demonstrate how social structures in them are produced, how they can be thought to reproduce structures, but also function as a potential change of structures. Gender theory and its theory of the gender contract as well as feminist film theory are used as the theoretical basis of the essay. What emerges in the films is that the addict world is described in a stereotyping way, where structures and norms can be crystallized through the theory of gender. Female abuse versus male abuse looks different in reality and in movies the differences become even clearer, when it is drawn in bold style so that the contours become clearer of what it is the broadcast
Fever and its treatment among the more and less poor in Sub-Saharan Africa
No full textThe author empirically explores the relationship between household poverty and the incidence and treatment of fever--as an indicator of malaria--among children in Sub-Saharan Africa. He uses household Demographic and Health Survey data collected in the 1990s from 22 countriesin which malaria is prevalent. The analysis reveals a positive, but weak, association between reported fever and poverty. The geographic association becomes insignificant, however, after controlling for the mother's education. There is some evidence that higher levels of wealth in other households in the cluster in which the household lives are associated with lower levels of reported fever in Eastern and Southern Africa. Poverty and the type of care sought for an episode of fever are significantly associated: wealthier households are substantially more likely to seek care in the modern health sector. In Central and Western Africa those from richer households are more likely to seek care from all types of sources: government hospitals, lower-level public facilities such as health clinics, as well as private sources. In Eastern and Southern Africa the rich are primarily more likely to seek care from private facilities. In both regions there is substantial use of private facilities--use that increases with wealth. Like the incidence of fever, treatment-seeking behavior is strongly associated with the level of wealth in the cluster in which the child lives.Disease Control&Prevention,Health Systems Development&Reform,Public Health Promotion,Health Monitoring&Evaluation,Early Child and Children's Health,Health Monitoring&Evaluation,Poverty Assessment,Communicable Diseases,Statistical&Mathematical Sciences,Health Indicators
The History of Modern Physics in its Bearing Upon Biology and Medicine
No full textF.S.C. Northrop. The History of Modern Physics in its Bearing Upon Biology and Medicine, 1938
Filmer Stuart Cuckow Northrop (1893 - 1992) was an American legal philosopher and influential comparative philosopher.
After receiving a B.A. from Beloit College in 1915, and an MA from Yale University in 1919, he went on to Harvard University where he earned another MA in 1922 and a Ph.D. in 1924.[1] At Harvard, Northrop studied under Alfred North Whitehead. He was appointed to the Yale faculty in 1923 as an instructor in Philosophy, and later was named professor in 1932. In 1947 he was appointed Sterling Professor of Philosophy and Law. He chaired the Philosophy department from 1938 to 1940 and was the first Master of Silliman College, from 1940 to 1947.
He was the author of twelve books and innumerable articles on all major branches of philosophy. His most influential work, The Meeting of East and West, was published in 1946 at the aftermath of World War II. Its central thesis is that East and West both must learn something from each other to avoid future conflict and to flourish together. His jurisprudential work primarily concerned sociological jurisprudence.https://digitalcommons.rockefeller.edu/pamphlets-offprints-and-reprints/1002/thumbnail.jp
Sir Robert Filmer. Alone against All! Part 1
No full textSir Robert Filmer był angielskim teoretykiem politycznym, który bronił absolutyzmu i boskiego
prawa królów, krytykując Hobbesa, Miltona, Grocjusza, Bellarmina, Suareza i Arystotelesa. Teoria
Filmera jest oparta na założeniu, że władza ojca w rodzinie jest prawdziwym źródłem i modelem
każdej władzy. Na początku Bóg dał władzę Adamowi, który miał całkowitą kontrolę nad swymi
potomkami, nawet nad ich życiem i śmiercią. Z jego punktu widzenia król jest absolutnie wolny od
wszelkiej ludzkiej kontroli, nie może być związany czynami swych poprzedników, wobec których
nie jest odpowiedzialny; nie jest związany również własną wolą, ponieważ niemożliwe jest, by
człowiek dał prawo samemu sobie – prawo musi zostać narzucone przez innych osobie, która jest
nim związana. W artykule autor dowodzi, że rozumowanie Filmera jest doskonałą, kompletną,
lecz ostatnią obroną nieograniczonej władzy królewskiej w erze destrukcji naturalnego autorytetu
politycznego.Sir Robert Filmer was an English political theorist who defended absolutism and the divine right
of kings criticizing Hobbes, Milton, Grotius, Bellarimine, Suarez and Aristotle. Filmer’s theory
is founded upon the statement that the government of a family by the father is the true origin and
model of all government. In the beginning God gave authority to Adam, who had complete control
over his descendants, even over life and death itself. In his point of view the king is perfectly free
from all human control, he cannot be bound by the acts of his predecessors, for which he is not
responsible; nor by his own, for it is impossible that a man should give a law to himself – a law
must be imposed by another upon the person bound by it. In the Article the Author argues that
Filmer’s argument is perfect, complete but the last defense of unlimited royal power in the age of
destruction of natural political authority
Sir Robert Filmer. Alone against All! Part II
No full textSir Robert Filmer był angielskim teoretykiem politycznym, który bronił absolutyzmu i boskiego
prawa królów, krytykując Hobbesa, Miltona, Grocjusza, Bellarmine’a, Suareza i Arystotelesa. Teoria
Filmera jest oparta na założeniu, że władza ojca w rodzinie jest prawdziwym źródłem i modelem
każdej władzy. Na początku Bóg dał władzę Adamowi, który miał całkowitą kontrolę nad swymi
potomkami, nawet nad ich życiem i śmiercią. Z jego punktu widzenia król jest absolutnie wolny od
wszelkiej ludzkiej kontroli, nie może być związany czynami swych poprzedników, wobec których
nie jest odpowiedzialny; nie jest związany również własną wolą, ponieważ niemożliwe jest, by
człowiek dał prawo samemu sobie – prawo musi zostać narzucone przez innych osobie, która jest
nim związana. W artykule autor dowodzi, że rozumowanie Filmera jest doskonałą, kompletną,
lecz ostatnią obroną nieograniczonej władzy królewskiej w erze destrukcji naturalnego autorytetu
politycznego.Sir Robert Filmer was an English political theorist who defended absolutism and the divine right
of kings criticizing Hobbes, Milton, Grotius, Bellarimine, Suarez and Aristotle. Filmer’s theory
is founded upon the statement that the government of a family by the father is the true origin and
model of all government. In the beginning God gave authority to Adam, who had complete control
over his descendants, even over life and death itself. In his point of view the king is perfectly free
from all human control, he cannot be bound by the acts of his predecessors, for which he is not
responsible; nor by his own, for it is impossible that a man should give a law to himself – a law
must be imposed by another upon the person bound by it. In the Article the Author argues that
Filmer’s argument is perfect, complete but the last defense of unlimited royal power in the age of
destruction of natural political authority
Estimating the world at work
No full textAddressing the question,"What is the work status of the world's working-age population and subgroups thereof?"The author gathers data for many countries and infers data where it is missing (which requires making"heroic assumptions"). The results are of course only as good as the data are representative and accurate. Data are least reliable for sub-Saharan Africa. The high-income group is dominated (in population) by the United States, Germany, and Japan, which account for 58 percent of that group's working-age population. The middle-income group is dominated by Indonesia, the Russian Federation, and Brazil, which account for 40 percent of that group's working-age population. The low-income group is dominated by China and India, which account for 70 percent of that group's working-age population. Among other things, the author's charts and tables show the breakdown on working-age employment - in services, industry, agriculture - and unemployment in various parts of the world.Earth Sciences&GIS,Labor Policies,Environmental Economics&Policies,Public Health Promotion,Health Economics&Finance,Youth and Governance,Demographics,Health Economics&Finance,Environmental Economics&Policies,Labor Markets
Does Indonesia have a"low-pay"civil service?
No full textGovernment officials and polcy analysts maintain that Indonesia's civil servants are poorly paid and have been for decades. This conclusion is supported by anecdotal evidence and casual empiricism. The authors systematically analyze the realtionship between government and private compensation levels using data from two large household surveys carried out by Indonesia's Central Bureau of Statistics: the 1998 Sakernas and 1999 Susenas. The results suggest that government workers with a high school education or less, representing three-quarters of the civil service, earn a pay premium over their private sector counterparts. Civil servants with more than a high school education earn less than they would in the private sector but, on average, the premium is far smaller than commonly is alleged and is in keeping with public/private differentials in other countries. These results prove robust to varying econometric specifications and cast doubt on low pay as an explanation for government corruption.Decentralization,Public Health Promotion,Health Monitoring&Evaluation,National Governance,Knowledge Economy,Health Monitoring&Evaluation,NationalGovernance,Knowledge Economy,Education for the Knowledge Economy,Parliamentary Government
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