1,720,977 research outputs found

    Piattaforme e partecipazione politica

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    Le piattaforme digitali e il social media hanno assunto una posizione dominante nelle società contemporanee, influenzando il nostro modo di concepire e agire la politica. Studiose e studiosi si sono così chiesti se esse possano contribuire a risolvere la crisi della rappresentanza politica, avvicinando i governanti ai governati, o se al contrario la approfondiscano, rafforzando l’autonomia dei cittadini e la loro capacità di giudicare l’operato dei governanti. Il volume affronta questi temi passando in rassegna i casi studio di partiti e movimenti «piattaformizzati», dal Movimento 5 Stelle ai Partiti Pirata, da Black Lives Matter a Fridays for Future. Identifica i limiti della democrazia digitale 2.0 nella tensione irrisolta tra la capacità delle piattaforme di incrementare la partecipazione diretta e la semplificazione della stessa prodotta dall’istituzione della rappresentanza politica moderna

    Irony and the Politics of Composition in the Philosophy of Franco "Bifo" Berardi

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    By analyzing Franco Berardi’s reflections on irony as an extension of his political praxis, the article first examines the multifaceted functions of this rhetorical device in the contexts of the late-1960s social struggles against factory work in Italy, the communication experiments of the Autonomia movement, and the information overload of the contemporary mediascape. In the second part, the text addresses Berardi’s attempt to reconcile Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra with Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s theory of desire to end with a reflection on how his distinction between irony and cynicism may offer a counterpoint to Slavoj Žižek’s critique of ideology

    L’impatto della legislazione europea sulle piattaforme digitali tra costituzionalismo digitale e autonomia del sociale.

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    L’articolo analizza la regolamentazione europea sulle piattaforme digitali, ricostruendone l’evoluzione da un approccio liberale orientato allo sviluppo del mercato unico a uno di tipo costituzionale volto a estendere i diritti fondamentali dei cittadini europei nella sfera digitale. Muovendo dallo schema teorico di Lawrence Lessig, il paper dimostra come la centralità infrastrutturale delle piattaforme abbia generato una concentrazione di potere che l’UE tenta di limitare tramite strumenti normativi come la Gdpr e il Digital Services Act. Tuttavia, questa legislazione, pur accrescendo la responsabilità delle piattaforme, indebolisce l’autonomia regolatrice degli utenti stessi

    The General, the Watchman and the Engineer of Control: The Relationship between Cooperation, Communication, and Command in the Society of Control

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    Taking cue from the Marxian analysis of the relationship between cooperation and capitalist command in Capital and the Grundrisse, the article reviews how Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have addressed this matter. Drawing from the notorious fragment of the Grundrisse on the general intellect, Hardt and Negri argue that in post-industrial societies the production of value tends to coincide with the ensemble of social activities. Hardt and Negri maintain that since any social activity is potentially a value-generating practice, the capitalist organization of labor is increasingly parasitical and external to the social bios. From this flows that labor can no longer be measured in abstract units of time and the exploitation of living labor leaves way to the expropriation of the common. The second part of the article challenges Hardt and Negri’s idealized view of the common by arguing that in the society of control communication and cooperation are always affected and tinged by the media that enable them—the vast majority of which are owned by private corporations. Neither the general in Marx’s Capital who organizes the workers from above nor the watchman and regulator of the Grundrisse, the contemporary engineer of control deploys micro-mechanisms of control inside the digital networks that modulate social cooperation. Drawing from Andrejevic’s notion of the “digital enclosure” and Terranova’s analysis of subjectification in the societies of control, the article concludes with a reflection on post-consensual forms of cooperation that cannot be integrated without igniting a catastrophic transformation of the system

    ‘That is the bet’ : theories of change in the strategies of the Italian climate movement

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    Research on differences within the climate movement has been focusing for a long time on the emergence of the ‘climate justice’ frame within this trajectory as a way out of a post-political understanding of climate action, as well as on tensions on the ‘radical’ vs. ‘reformist’ axis. Still, recent cases of climate action seem to call for a deeper analysis: while the climate justice framework is ubiquitous, internal differences within the movement are far from over. This article aims to address this issue, focusing on the strategic choices of movement actors. We aim to contribute to the literature on social movement strategies by pointing out the role of theories of change, i.e. the meta-strategic logics on how actors plan to achieve their goals and from which they derive their choice of targets, means, audience, and so on. Drawing on qualitative interivews to activists, our exploratory article proposes a framework to analyse theories of change and applies it to the three main actors of the Italian climate movement: Fridays For Future (FFF), Extinction Rebellion (XR) and Ultima Generazione (UG, part of the A22 network). Furthermore, the analysis points out how theories of change contribute to shaping how actors address strategic dilemmas

    Is Liquid Democracy Compatible with Representative Democracy? Insights from the Experience of the Pirate Party Germany

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    Although political scientists and political theorists rarely recognize liquid democracy (LD) as a distinct model of democracy, LD has its own history, theoretical underpinnings and practical applications. The article fills this gap by conceptualizing LD as an original decision-making procedure and a mode of political representation based on mechanisms of authorization and accountability that are fundamentally different from parliamentary representation. Yet the first practical applications of LD have occurred within representative institutions such as the German Federal Parliament and political organizations such as the Pirate Party Germany. These have experimented with two different LD software, Adhocracy and Liquidfeedback, whose design enables two variants of LD, the former aimed at assessing the quality of opinions and the latter aimed at transforming experts into decision-makers. After examining the impact of the adoption of Liquidfeedback on the internal organization of the Pirate Party, the article identifies two challenges that have emerged through the use of LD software: the conflict between the participants' right to privacy and the transparency of delegated decisions; and the concentration of power in the hands of few delegates. The article concludes by noting that only the variant of LD oriented toward assessing the quality of opinions is fully compatible with representative democracy
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