113 research outputs found
A typology of laterals in twelve English dialects
No full textAllophonic patterns of variation in English laterals have been well studied in phonetics and phonology for decades, but establishing broad generalizations across varieties has proven challenging. In this study, we advance a typology of onset/coda lateral distinctions in English, using crowdsourced recordings from 95 speakers across twelve dialects of Anglo (UK) English. Results confirm the existence of dialects with and without onset/coda distinctions, and conditional inference trees are used to identity three main patterns in the data: (1) clear onsets and dark codas; (2) intermediate/dark onsets and dark codas, but with a positional distinction intact; (3) dark onsets and dark codas, with minimal or no distinctions between positions
Synchronic stratum-specific rates of application reflect diachronic change: morphosyntactic conditioning of variation in English /l/-darkening
No full textPhonological processes that exhibit morphosyntactic sensitivity can provide evidence of historical processes which have ascended through the grammar over time. English /l/-darkening shows such effects. Although syllable-based accounts state that light [l] occurs in onsets (e.g. light) and dark [ɫ] in codas (e.g. dull), several studies report overapplication of darkening to onset /l/ in certain morphosyntactically defined positions: e.g. word-finally in phrases such as heal it, and stem-finally before a suffix in words such as heal-ing. Although many phonological theories attempt to account for such opacity, they cannot adequately account for the potential variability in application alongside this.The present paper explores these ideas through modelling data on /l/- darkening in English taken from Hayes’s (2000) Optimality Theoretic study. It is argued that a combined Stochastic Stratal OT approach to the data is an improvement over a parallel stochastic model (e.g. Boersma & Hayes 2001) because it avoids fixed innate constraint rankings, which are required to prevent the prediction of impossible grammars. Moreover, it is shown that observations about the diachronic life cycle of phonological processes enable us to deduce quantitative predictions about rates: should apply with lower frequency in smaller morphosyntactic domains
Categorical or gradient? An ultrasound investigation of /l/-darkening and vocalization in varieties of English
No full textThis paper presents an empirical analysis of /l/-darkening in English, using ultrasound tongue imaging data from five varieties spoken in the UK. The analysis of near 500 tokens from five participants provides hitherto absent instrumental evidence demonstrating that speakers may display both categorical allophony of light and dark variants, and gradient phonetic effects coexisting in the same grammar. Results are interpreted through the modular architecture of the life cycle of phonological processes, whereby a phonological rule starts its life as a phonetically driven gradient process, over time stabilizing into a phonological process at the phrase level, and advancing through the grammar. Not only does the life cycle make predictions about application at different levels of the grammar, it also predicts that stabilized phonological rules do not replace the phonetic processes from which they emerge, but typically coexist with them, a pattern which is supported in the data. Overall, this paper demonstrates that variation in English /l/ realization has been underestimated in the existing literature, and that we can observe phonetic, phonological, and morphosyntactic conditioning when accounting for a representative range of phonological environments across varieties
Some /l/s are darker than others: Accounting for variation in English /l/ with ultrasound tongue imaging
No full textThe phenomenon of /l/-darkening has been a subject of linguistic interest due to the remarkable amount of contextual variation it displays. Although it is generally stated that the light variant occurs in onsets (e.g. leap) and the dark variant in codas (e.g. peel), many studies report variation in different morphosyntactic environments. Beyond this variation in morphosyntactic conditioning, different dialects of English have been reported as showing highly variable distributions. These descriptions include a claimed lack of dis- tinction in the North of England, a three-way distinction between light, dark and vocalised /l/ in the South-East, and a gradient continuum of darkness in American English. This paper presents ultrasound tongue imaging data collected to test dialectal and contextual descriptions of /l/ in English, providing hitherto absent instrumental evidence for different distributions. Data from speakers of RP, Manchester, Essex and American English show that dialectal diversity has been vastly underestimated in the existing literature on /l/- darkening. The wide range of dialectal diversity, for which this paper provides only a small subset, shows a great deal of orderliness when paying due consideration to the diachronic evolution of variable phonological processes
Variation in English /l/:synchronic reections of the life cycle of phonological processes
No full textThis thesis is an articulatory investigation into phonological variation and change in English /l/-darkening. Although syllable-based accounts of /l/-darkening state that light [l] occurs in onsets (e.g. `leap') and a dark variant in codas (e.g. `peel'), numerous works linking phonology with other subfields of linguistics have shown that this simplified distinction cannot fully account for the variation found. Firstly, /l/-darkening is sensitive to morphosyntactic structure, as shown through overapplication of the process in certain morphosyntactically defined positions: e.g. word-finally in phrases such as `heal it', or stem-finally before a suffix in words such as `healing'. In addition, analyses of /l/-darkening from several phonetic studies have led to some arguing against an allophonic distinction altogether, stating that the difference between light and dark variants is merely two extremes of one continuum. Not only does this interpretation challenge the traditional categorisation of /l/-darkening but, given the clear sensitivity to morphosyntactic boundaries that /l/-darkening displays, it also raises questions for a modular architecture of the grammar if phonetics can be morphologically conditioned. This dissertation is an empirical analysis of /l/-darkening, presenting data from nine varieties of English. Given the difficulty in measuring liquid consonants reliably, ultrasound tongue imaging is used to provide a thorough account of the prime articulatory correlations of darkening processes. The present study provides hitherto absent instrumental evidence confirming the varying degrees of morphosyntactic sensitivity across different dialects. I demonstrate that, rather than being contradictory or chaotic, variation to morphosyntactic boundaries cross-dialectally makes complete sense under an analysis that pays due consideration to the diachronic evolution of phonological processes. Moreover, my data show that the majority of speakers display both categorical allophony of light and dark variants, and gradient phonetic effects coexisting in the same grammar. Therefore, an adequate account of English /l/-darkening presupposes both a theory of the morphosyntax-phonology interface, and the phonetics-phonology interface.I interpret these results by assuming the modular architecture of the life cycle of phonological processes, whereby a phonological rule starts its life as a phonetically driven gradient process, over time stabilising into a phonological process at the phrase level, and advancing through the grammar. Not only does the life cycle make predictions about application at different levels of the grammar, it also predicts that stabilised phonological rules do not replace the phonetic processes from which they emerged, but typically coexist with them. Moreover, the obvious intimate link between /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalisation can be explained in terms of the life cycle, in the way of lenition trajectories. The results here show that, as predicted, the more recent stage of the lenition trajectory is harsher in terms of its phonetic effect, as well as less advanced in the grammar, applying at a lower level than darkening when the two co-occur in the same variety.I conclude by arguing that the proposed analysis demonstrates that a full understanding of /l/-darkening in English requires an approach that considers variation under phonetic, phonological and morphosyntactic terms. The wide range of dialectal diversity, for which this thesis provides only a small subset, shows a great deal of orderliness when paying due consideration to the diachronic evolution of variable phonological processes
Variation in English /l/:synchronic reections of the life cycle of phonological processes
No full textThis thesis is an articulatory investigation into phonological variation and change in English /l/-darkening. Although syllable-based accounts of /l/-darkening state that light [l] occurs in onsets (e.g. `leap') and a dark variant in codas (e.g. `peel'), numerous works linking phonology with other subfields of linguistics have shown that this simplified distinction cannot fully account for the variation found. Firstly, /l/-darkening is sensitive to morphosyntactic structure, as shown through overapplication of the process in certain morphosyntactically defined positions: e.g. word-finally in phrases such as `heal it', or stem-finally before a suffix in words such as `healing'. In addition, analyses of /l/-darkening from several phonetic studies have led to some arguing against an allophonic distinction altogether, stating that the difference between light and dark variants is merely two extremes of one continuum. Not only does this interpretation challenge the traditional categorisation of /l/-darkening but, given the clear sensitivity to morphosyntactic boundaries that /l/-darkening displays, it also raises questions for a modular architecture of the grammar if phonetics can be morphologically conditioned. This dissertation is an empirical analysis of /l/-darkening, presenting data from nine varieties of English. Given the difficulty in measuring liquid consonants reliably, ultrasound tongue imaging is used to provide a thorough account of the prime articulatory correlations of darkening processes. The present study provides hitherto absent instrumental evidence confirming the varying degrees of morphosyntactic sensitivity across different dialects. I demonstrate that, rather than being contradictory or chaotic, variation to morphosyntactic boundaries cross-dialectally makes complete sense under an analysis that pays due consideration to the diachronic evolution of phonological processes. Moreover, my data show that the majority of speakers display both categorical allophony of light and dark variants, and gradient phonetic effects coexisting in the same grammar. Therefore, an adequate account of English /l/-darkening presupposes both a theory of the morphosyntax-phonology interface, and the phonetics-phonology interface.I interpret these results by assuming the modular architecture of the life cycle of phonological processes, whereby a phonological rule starts its life as a phonetically driven gradient process, over time stabilising into a phonological process at the phrase level, and advancing through the grammar. Not only does the life cycle make predictions about application at different levels of the grammar, it also predicts that stabilised phonological rules do not replace the phonetic processes from which they emerged, but typically coexist with them. Moreover, the obvious intimate link between /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalisation can be explained in terms of the life cycle, in the way of lenition trajectories. The results here show that, as predicted, the more recent stage of the lenition trajectory is harsher in terms of its phonetic effect, as well as less advanced in the grammar, applying at a lower level than darkening when the two co-occur in the same variety.I conclude by arguing that the proposed analysis demonstrates that a full understanding of /l/-darkening in English requires an approach that considers variation under phonetic, phonological and morphosyntactic terms. The wide range of dialectal diversity, for which this thesis provides only a small subset, shows a great deal of orderliness when paying due consideration to the diachronic evolution of variable phonological processes
Determining categoricity in English /l/-darkening : A principal component analysis of ultrasound spline data
No full textAlthough syllable-based accounts of /l/-darkening in English state that light [l] occurs in onsets (e.g. ‘leap’) and a dark [ë] in codas (e.g. ‘peel’), analyses of the process from several phonetic studies have led to some arguing against an allophonic distinction altogether, stating that the difference between light and dark variants is merely two extremes of one continuum. The current paper attempts to address this debate using ultrasound tongue imaging, in particular, a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) of tongue spline data. Although PCA of spline contours may be seen as a relatively rough method when compared with analysis of raw pixel images, it is argued that the simplicity of attaching one individual figure to a contour is a highly efficient and convenient method for observing general patterns in the dat
Sociophonetics and laterals
No full textLaterals are the L-like sounds of the world’s languages, notable for displaying both consonant- like and vowel-like properties. From the Latin `lateralis' (literally ‘belonging to the side’), laterals have closure at a point in the center of the oral tract (like a consonant) as well as the continuation of airflow down one or both sides of the tongue (like a vowel). In English, there is one phonemic lateral, the alveolar lateral approximant /l/, for example, in words like laugh, fall. Laterals have been subject to a large amount of study in sociolinguistics, phonetics, and phonology, likely due to their contextual and social variability, as well as their tendency to exhibit change over time. This chapter summarizes existing literature on /l/ with a focus on sociophonetic research, along- side an overview of the phonetic methods used to examine variation. Whilst the focus is on English, which is the language most sociophonetic research on laterals investigates, a cross-linguistic sum- mary is also provided. In addition, the chapter presents novel results on the sociophonetics of / l/ in a case study of Lancashire English, demonstrating some of the methods that can be used as avenues to investigate variation and change
Ode: to the judge
No full text1 sheet ([2] pages) : illustrations ; 34 x 18 cm. "A striking and forceful poem with an obvious reference to Lloyd Kenyon, first Baron Kenyon (1732-1802), Lord Chief Justice, in the satirical headline illustration. Kenyon was a forceful advocate against 'seditious libel', something of a 1790's phenomenon. The gist of the contents is to comment on the state of the law and its administrators and indeed the poem cites several cases: Tom Llyod—publishing a satiric squib held to be seditious in 1792; Reverend William Winterbotham—charged for seditious words uttered in two exquisitely written sermons in 1793."— John Turton Antiquarian Books. http://morris.law.yale.edu/record=b170080
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