1,721,029 research outputs found
One-to-many-relations in morphology, syntax, and semantics
Full text linkSynopsis
The standard view of the form-meaning interfaces, as embraced by the great majority of contemporary grammatical frameworks, consists in the assumption that meaning can be associated with grammatical form in a one-to-one correspondence. Under this view, composition is quite straightforward, involving concatenation of form, paired with functional application in meaning. In this book, we discuss linguistic phenomena across several grammatical sub-modules (morphology, syntax, semantics) that apparently pose a problem to the standard view, mapping out the potential for deviation from the ideal of one-to-one correspondences, and develop formal accounts of the range of phenomena. We argue that a constraint-based perspective is particularly apt to accommodate deviations from one-to-many correspondences, as it allows us to impose constraints on full structures (such as a complete word or the interpretation of a full sentence) instead of deriving such structures step by step.
Most of the papers in this volume are formulated in a particular constraint-based grammar framework, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. The contributions investigate how the lexical and constructional aspects of this theory can be combined to provide an answer to this question across different linguistic sub-theories
One-to-many-relations in morphology, syntax, and semantics (Volume 7)
Full text linkThe standard view of the form-meaning interfaces, as embraced by the great majority of contemporary grammatical frameworks, consists in the assumption that meaning can be associated with grammatical form in a one-to-one correspondence. Under this view, composition is quite straightforward, involving concatenation of form, paired with functional application in meaning. In this book, we discuss linguistic phenomena across several grammatical sub-modules (morphology, syntax, semantics) that apparently pose a problem to the standard view, mapping out the potential for deviation from the ideal of one-to-one correspondences, and develop formal accounts of the range of phenomena. We argue that a constraint-based perspective is particularly apt to accommodate deviations from one-to-many correspondences, as it allows us to impose constraints on full structures (such as a complete word or the interpretation of a full sentence) instead of deriving such structures step by step
La morphosyntaxe des prédicats complexes français : montée des clitiques et périphrase
No full textDans cette thèse, j'étudie la distribution des formes pronominales faibles du français sous une perspective nouvelle. En partant des travaux sur le statut d'affixes lexicaux de ces formes (Miller, 1992 ; Auger, 1993, 1994, 1995), je propose que la conclusion logique de ce résultat est de traiter la distribution de ces formes en termes morphologiques plutôt que syntaxiques. Je passe en revue les approches qui tiennent compte des propriétés affixales des formes pronominales faibles (Miller & Sag, 1997 ; Abeillé & Godard, 1996, 2002), et je montre qu'elles n'abordent par la morphologie que les formes de pronominalisation locales. Ces approches utilisent un mécanisme syntaxique (la composition argumentale) pour traiter la pronominalisation non-locale (la montée des clitiques). Je propose une réévaluation critique des arguments en faveur de ce mécanisme, et montre en particulier que les résultats des tests de constituance avec la complémentation verbale en français sont indépendants de la montée des clitiques. Sur la base d'une étude de corpus réalisée sur frWaC (Baroni et al., 2009), je montre également que la transparence des constructions à montée des clitiques aux dépendances bornées est également indépendante de ces constructions, et s'étend à de nombreux verbes à montée et à contrôle du sujet. À la faveur de travaux récents en morphologie (Vincent & Börjars, 1996 ; Ackerman & Webelhuth, 1998 ; Brown et al., 2012 ; Spencer, 2013) sur la notion de périphrase flexionnelle, je propose que celle-ci est à la fois indépendamment motivée dans les constructions à montée des clitiques et suffisante à expliquer la montée des clitiques dans ces constructions. Je formule une implémentation de la théorie de la périphrase flexionnelle par sélection inversée de Bonami (2015) dans le cadre de la grammaire syntagmatique guidée par les têtes (HPSG, Pollard & Sag, 1994). Dans cette vision de la périphrase, le verbe auxilié sélectionne des propriétés de son auxiliaire ; je montre que la montée des clitiques peut dès lors se traiter comme un phénomène entièrement morphologique, dans lequel les arguments pronominaux (tout comme d'autres propriétés flexionnelles, comme l'information temporelle) sont simplement réalisés sur un élément ancillaire. Dans le cas des temps composés et des constructions copulatives, l'approche morphologique simplifie grandement la structure syntaxique par rapport aux approches précédentes à composition argumentale. Les aspects syntaxiques relevés dans la discussion de la composition argumentale reçoivent une analyse : en termes de canonicité de la réalisation (Bouma et al., 2001) concernant les problèmes de constituance, et en termes de montée du sujet pour les dépendances bornées (suivant en cela Grover, 1995). J'expose dans un dernier temps comment l'approche se généralise aux prédicats complexes. L'approche morphologique voit ces constructions comme des périphrases causatives assimilables aux causatifs synthétiques du japonais (Manning et al., 1999) ou des langues bantoues (Hyman & Mchombo, 1992). Je montre que cette perspective, qui voit le verbe infinitif comme une forme causativisée et lui applique ainsi une augmentation de valence, résulte spontanément en une implémentation de l'effet de monoclausalité requis pour traiter différentes propriétés spécifiques de ces contextes (réalisation du sujet, réflexivisation longue en 'se faire'). Par rapport aux approches à composition argumentale, qui construisent la monoclausalité au niveau de 'faire', cette forme de monoclausalité améliore le traitement de plusieurs phénomènes sensibles à des propriétés du verbe infinitifs, auxquelles 'faire' n'a pas accès (Koenig, 1998), notamment le clitic trapping et la réalisation du sujet en 'par' ou en 'de'. Je développe enfin la position que la montée des clitiques depuis un infinitif est optionnelle en français.In this thesis, I investigate the distribution of French weak pronominals under a novel perspective. Starting with studies on the status of such forms as lexical affixes (Miller, 1992; Auger, 1993, 1994, 1995), I propose that the logical conclusion of this result is to treat their distribution in morphological rather than syntactic terms. I review the approaches that account for the pronominals' affixal properties (Miller & Sag, 1997; Abeillé & Godard, 1996, 2002), and I show that they only treat local realisation in morphology. These approaches rely on a syntactic mechanism, argument composition, in order to treat non-local cases of pronominalisation (i.e. clitic climbing). I propose a critical reevaluation of the arguments in favour of this mechanism, and I show in particular that the results of constituency tests are in French independent of clitic climbing when it comes to verbal complementation. On the basis of a corpus study conducted on frWaC (Baroni et al., 2009), I further show that clitic climbing constructions' transparency to bounded dependencies is equally independent of clitic climbing, and extends to numerous subject raising and control verbs. In the light of recent work in morphology (Vincent & Börjars, 1996; Ackerman & Webelhuth, 1998; Brown et al., 2012; Spencer, 2013) on the notion of inflectional periphrasis, I suggest that this notion is both independently motivated for French clitic climbing constructions and sufficient to explain clitic climbing in these contexts. I formulate an implementation of the theory of inflectional periphrasis by reverse selection of Bonami (2015) in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG, Pollard & Sag, 1994). In this view of periphrasis, the lexical verb selects for morphosyntactic properties of its auxiliary. I show that clitic climbing can then be treated as an entirely morphological phenomenon, in which pronominal arguments (alongside other inflectional properties, such as tense) are simply realised on an ancillary element. In the case of tense auxiliary and copular constructions, the morphological approach simplifies phrase structure greatly over previous approaches based on argument composition. Syntactic considerations relevant to the previous discussion of argument composition are given an analysis: constituency issues are treated as canonicity constraints on realisation (Bouma et al., 2001), while bounded dependencies receive a subject raising analysis building on Grover (1995). Finally, I expose how the approach generalises to complex predicates. The morphological approach views these constructions as causative periphrases, akin to the synthetic causatives of Japanese (Manning et al., 1992) or Bantu languages (Hyman & Mchombo, 1992). I show that this perspective, which consequently sees the infinitive as a causativised form with an augmented valency, independently results in an implementation of clause union as required for the treatment of various properties of complex predicates (subject realisation, long reflexivisation with 'se faire'). Compared to approaches based on argument composition, which build clause union at the level of 'faire', this version of clause union improves the treatment of several phenomena which are sensitive to properties of the lexical verb, which 'faire' cannot access (Koenig, 1998), in particular clitic trapping and realisation of the subject as a by-phrase. I also develop the position that clitic climbing from an infinitive is optional in French
The morphosyntax of peripheral marking in Hausa: phrasal affixation or edge inflection ?
No full textInternational audienceno abstrac
Inferential-realisational morphology without rule blocks : an information-based approach
No full textInternational audienc
The distribution and interpretation of Hausa subjunctives: an HPSG approach
No full textInternational audienceno abstrac
GG, an HPSG for German
No full textGG is an HPSG grammar for German developed at the DFKI in Saarbrücken and distributed under the Lesser General Public License For Linguistic Resources. This version is of March 2007. The owner is: DFKI Language Technology Lab, Saarbrücken, Germany.Research carried out in work package INF of the SFB 833.
 
Syncretism in German: A unified approach to underspecification, indeterminacy, and likeness of case
Full text linkIn this paper I address the phenomenon of syncretism in German and
show how Flickinger (2000)\u27s approach to related issues in English can be
adapted to provide a compact, disjunction-free representation of German
nominal paradigms by means of combined case/number/gender type hierarchies.
In particular, I will discuss the issue of case identity constraints in
German coordinate structures, which has so far prevented successful application
of Flickinger\u27s proposal to German, and show how likeness constraints
targetting individual inflectional dimensions of a combined type hierarchy
can be expressed by means of typed lists that abstract out the relevant dimension.
I further show that current type-based approaches to feature neutrality
are unable to combine the treatment of this phenomenon with the virtues of
underspecification. I will then propose a revised organisation of the
inflectional type hierarchies suggested by Daniels (2001), drawing on a systematic
distinction between inherent and external (case) requirements
Discontinuous negation in Hausa
Full text linkInvestigating the morphological and syntactic properties of discontinuous negative marking in Hausa,
I shall suggest a constructional approach involving edge inflection, accounting simultaneously for
the morphologically bound nature of the initial marker and its interaction with the TAM system,
haplology of the final marker, and wide scope over coordination. I will argue that the degree of
morphological integration of initial markers and haplology of final markers both favour an edge
feature approach over phrasal affixation
Deriving superficial ergativity in Nias
Full text linkIn this paper, I discuss the case and agreement system of Nias, a
language that has been described as a marked-absolutive system by
various authors (Donohue and Brown, 1999; Corbett, 2006; Cysouw, 2005;
Handschuh, 2008; Wichmann, 2005). I shall argue in particular that the
ergativity of this language is highly superficial in nature, showing
that hypothesised marked-absolutive arguments fail to display typical
subject properties. Extending the linking theory of ergativity by
Manning (1994) and Manning and Sag (1999), which assumes an inverse
linking pattern for transitive, I shall suggest that Nias
transitives are best analysed as a Nominative-Accusative system,
attributing the ergative split in Nias to an inverse linking of
intransitives instead. Under this perspective, case, agreement, and word
order will receive a natural explanation
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