15,861 research outputs found

    The political role of the people's liberation army 1949-1973

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    This thesis is to study the political role of the People's Liberation Army from the approach of structure and function. The framework of the thesis consists of three major parts, first, the influence of Chinese traditional political culture on, and the formation of, the political role of the PL A; second, the influence of domestic political struggles and external military conflicts on the development of the political role of the PLA; and the third, the analysis of the transition of the PLA's political role from the structure and personnel arrangements of the CCPCC Within the above-mentioned three scopes, this thesis make a thorough discussion on the following: (1) The relationship between the structure of the PRC and the formation of the PLA's political role; (2) How has ideology influenced the army's political role; (3) What is Mao's viewpoint and his influence on the development of the army's political role; (4) What is the link between the army and the party, and how has this developed; (6) What accounts for the expansion of the PLA's political functions; (7) What is the influence of political factional struggles on the PLA's political role; (8) Is it political institution or military institution that controls the recruitment of the military elite; (9) What are the disparities between the military elite in handling international conflicts and what are their political considerations; (10) What is the Party's position in the army; (11) How have the Party’s important meetings and personnel arrangements influenced the rise and fall of the PLA's political role

    Taiwan’s democratic progressive party and its mainland china policy

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    Taiwan has successfully changed its political system from dictatorship into a democracy since the end of 1980s. Some people do not like 'Taiwan's democracy' -some candidates get elected by bribery in election, parliamentary fighting., but the majority of the Taiwanese people really enjoy their freedom in their homeland. They do know, at least, they have the right to oppose the government, no one would be shot by the national military force in a demonstration. The political systems are totally different between Taiwan and Mainland China, one is democracy, another is communism. Even the majority of the Taiwanese people are Chinese in ethnic origin, but their life experience are different over the past 50 years, it is difficult for any side to persuade the other side which one is better. Some Chinese Taiwanese people believe that they can have a better life, if their homeland—Taiwan can be really independent in the international community. Taiwan’s political opposition built Taiwan's first opposition party— Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) 13 years ago, and with the dream of establishing a new independent country on Taiwan. The establishment of the DPP is the result of the political opposition movement in Taiwan. Most of the members of the DPP have a strong Taiwanese identity, which is very different from the ruling KMT in Taiwan and the ruling CCP in China. The DPP gains more influence in Taiwan, the uncertainty across the Taiwan Straits increase at the same time. The DPP waited and saw between being the ruling party and establishing an independent country on Taiwan, finally it chose to complete the political aim of replacing the position of the KMT at present. The purpose of the study is to assess the DPP's policy-making in its Mainland China policy. I try to give a full picture of the policy-making process in the party. The most important factor in the formulation of the mainland China policy is the relationship between the factions within the DPP, therefore, I adopt the historical and document review approach on doing this study, and describe how the interaction between the factions worked and how they made the decisions on the policies? I found that the DPP will insist on its 'one Taiwan, one China' policy before becoming the ruling party in Taiwan. However, the DPP's insistence on the 'one China, one Taiwan' policy could bring conflicts across the Taiwan Straits and obstruct the possibility of replacing the ruling KMT's position. Hence the DPP tried to explain again the party's Taiwan independence platform, and to 'purify' the party’s ideology in order to achieve its present political aim. Because the cross-Straits relationship is still developing, the DPP's mainland policy would be affected by various factors across the Taiwan Straits. There is no final text of the DPP's mainland China policy at present. Therefore, I predict the future development of its China policy could tend in two ways. Firstly, if the cross-Straits exchanges increase, and Beijing reduces its hostility, the DPP's stand of 'one Taiwan, one China' will become more flexible, and it would keep on developing a more perfect China policy. Secondly, if the cross-Straits exchanges decrease, and Beijing increases the force of threatening to Taipei, the DPP's stand of 'one Taiwan, one China' policy will be more radical, even though it would not turn its back on the business affairs. At the end of this work, I suggest the DPP rethink its insistence on a Taiwanese independence position, this could not break Taiwan's isolation in international community, but could endanger Taiwan's security. As the factional fight has reduced the force of the DPP, to condense the powers of the party would be an important issue for the DPP

    Cultural Discourse in Taiwan. Ed. Chin-Chuan Cheng, I-Chun Wang, and Steven Tötösy de Zepetnek.

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    The collected volume Cultural Discourse in Taiwan — edited by Chin-Chuan Cheng, I-Chun Wang, and Steven Tötösy de Zepetnek and published by National Sun Yat-sen Uiniversity Press in 2009 — is intended as an addition to scholarship in the field of Taiwan Studies. The articles in the volume are in many aspects comparative and the topics discussed are in the context of literary and culture scholarship. At the same time, the volume is interdisciplinary as the articles cover historical perspectives, analyses of texts by Taiwan authors, and cultural discourse as related to Taiwan consciousness, language, and linguistic issues. Copyright release to the authors

    Chin Chun Chan. Conflicto xeno en un acto. Xenofobia y xenofilia en la zarzuela mexicana

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    La obra Chin Chun Chan del aguascalentense José F. Elizondo es un hito a nivel nacional en torno al teatro porfiriano, zarzuela, revista y género chico y por su éxito sin precedentes dentro y fuera de México, dadas sus diez mil representaciones. ¿Cuáles son los aspectos socioculturales subyacentes en esta obra y qué nos dicen a propósito su éxito? El presente artículo tiene un triple objetivo: 1) presentar un breve escenario histórico-conceptual sobre el género chico, la revista lírico-política y la zarzuela; 2) encender un cenital que arroje luz sobre Chin Chun Chan y refracte sobre su naturaleza de zarzuela, revista y género chico; y 3) reflexionar sobre Chin Chun Chan como una respuesta dramática a un conflicto xenofóbico con el inmigrante de origen chino en México, y sobre las representaciones de la Compañía Nacional de Teatro en 1992 y de la Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes en 2016

    Chin Chun Chan : The Zarzuela as an Ethnic and Technological Farce

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    Chin Chun Chan premiered at the Teatro Principal in Mexico City on April 9, 1904, to an enthusiastic audience. The first Mexican zarzuela written by José F. Elizondo and Rafael Medina with music by Luis G. Jordá initiated a new current in Mexican lyric theater that moved away from the Spanish zarzuelas and the operas popular during the Porfiriato: the teatro de revistas, or revistas. With the subtitle of “A Chinese Conflict in One Act and Three Scenes,” Chin Chun Chan is a story about mistaken identity in which a fed-up man attempts to escape his jealous partner by disguising himself as a Chinese dignitary at a grand hotel in Mexico City. Chin Chun Chan was a significant move away from Spanish productions, attempting to create a local entertainment that could be defined as Mexican through popular characters, dialogues, music, and colloquialisms. This formula set the stage for later revistas particularly during the armed struggle of the Revolution (1910–1920). Through a closer examination of the music numbers and the dialogue, Chin Chun Chan offers new readings on the position of ethnicity, nationalism, and sexuality during this contemporary period of political and social instability and initiates an important period in Mexican theatrical history.</p

    AHLI PERNIAGAAN CHIN CHUN-YEAN DILANTIK AHLI LEMBAGA GABENOR USM

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    PULAU PINANG, 24 Ogos 2016 - Ahli perniagaan dan tokoh korporat yang mempunyai pengalaman luas dalam sektor swasta Chin Chun-Yean, 72, dilantik oleh Menteri Pendidikan Tinggi, Dato' Seri Idris Jusoh sebagai ahli Lembaga Gabenor Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) selama tiga tahun bermula 1 Ogos 2016 untuk mewakili sektor swasta
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