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The political processes of the distinctive multinational factory regime and recent strikes in Vietnam
No full textThe period from the mid-2000s to the early 2010s is noteworthy in the history of industrial relations in Vietnam. On the one hand, the number of strikes increased, reaching its peak in 2011. On the other hand, there were much stronger signs that both the management and the workers were not satisfied with their factory regime, as a stable and predictable process to resolve labor disputes was yet to emerge. In addition to the previous economic and political explanations focused on macroeconomic conditions and political institutional arrangements at the national level, this article attempts to ethnographically explore and describe the political-economic conditions of both the workers and the managements on a micro level to answer the following questions: Why do some workers have to resort to uncomfortable and troublesome means such as wildcat strikes despite their better working conditions compared to those of workers in other factories? In contrast, what are the reasons that some factories do not offer their workers particularly favorable working conditions and wages and can still avoid strikes? While answering these questions, this article attempts to address the necessity of recognizing the distinctive political structure and processes in the multinational factory regime and to suggest ways of establishing more stable and productive industrial relations more suitable to the particularity of the factory regime.OAIID:RECH_ACHV_DSTSH_NO:T201725786RECH_ACHV_FG:RR00200001ADJUST_YN:EMP_ID:A080145CITE_RATE:.273FILENAME:북부한인 별쇄본(1711201).pdfDEPT_NM:인류학과EMAIL:[email protected]_YN:YFILEURL:https://srnd.snu.ac.kr/eXrepEIR/fws/file/6ae474e7-42e9-4732-a105-bd5ef3c05711/linkN
Vietnamese Returnees from Immigrant Work in Korea, Their Life and Human Exchange in East Asia
No full text동아시아 차원의 노동력 이동에 관한 기존 연구는 대부분 이주노동자의 이주동기와 원인을 사회경제적으로 분석함으로써 문화적 경험의 정치적 의미를 충분하게 설명하지 못하고 있다(설동훈 2000: 7-71 참조). 특히 동아시아 노동자들이 귀국 후에 갖는 정치경제적, 사회문화적 경험에 대한 연구는 거의 없다. 이 연구는 이주노동자가 이주대상국과 고국에서 각각 어떤 정치경제적 조건 하에 있으며 사회문화적으로 어떤 반응을 보이는지를 연계시켜 분석한다. 그럼으로써 이들의 초국가적(transnational)인 경험과 이에 기초한 정치의식이 동아시아 차원의 인적 교류와 지역협력에 어떤 시사점을 주는지 논하고자 한다.
이러한 연구목적을 위해 이 글은 다음과 같은 내용을 순차적으로 다룬다. 첫째, (귀환노동자를 포함한) 베트남 이주노동자의 한국에서의 삶과 경험을 조망한다. 특히 이들을 불법 체류하게 만드는 정치경제적 조건은 무엇이며 이들이 불법체류노동자로서 어떤 사회문화적 삶을 경험하는지 점검한다. 둘째, 귀환노동자가 베트남에서 어떤 정치경제적 조건 아래 살고 있으며 이에 대응하여 어떤 사회문화적 실천과 경험을 하는지 설명한다. 셋째, 귀환노동자가 양국을 오가며 겪는 이와 같은 초국가적인 경험이 이들로 하여금 동아시아 역내 국가와 자본에 대하여 어떤 의식을 갖게 하는지 살펴본다.
Vietnam has officially exported more than 40,000 workers to Korea since 1993 and many of them chose to be illegal workers and endured hard life to earn money for around 3 to 11 years in Korea.
After returning home, they would also find difficulty adapting to the living and working conditions of their own country. This article deals with the Vietnamese returnees from Korea, on the one hand, to explore the relationship of their transnational experiences, social relations, and culture. On the other hand, this article also seeks to find out the implication of the workers' experiences in both countries to the development of human exchange in East Asia. For the purpose, based on the fieldwork mainly in January 2007 in Ho Chi Minh city, this article attempts to explain several things as follows.
First, this article examines economic conditions, social relations, and cultural politics that Vietnamese immigrant workers experience in Korea. Second, it explores economic hardship the returnees encounter in their homeland and how they respond to it in their transforming social relations and culture. Third, it seeks to interpret how the returnees' transnational experiences and hybrid social cultural life in so called in-between space produce their distinctive consciousness and practice. Finally, this article discusses what are the political implication of the returnees' experience, consciousness and practice not only to the development of human exchange but also to the development of East Asian Community' in East Asia.이 논문은 2006년도 학술진흥재단 기초학문연구(BS0031)의 지원을 받았다
The Ho Chi Minh city and the Political Economy of the Reform
No full text이 글은 개혁개방정책의 시행 이후 호치민 시가 당면한 이러한 제반 모순을 역사, 국가, 계급의 정치경제학에 초점을 맞추어 설명하고자 한다. 이를 위해 첫째, 개혁정책의 역사적 배경을 살펴본다. 현재 호치민 시에서 벌어지고 있는 상황의 역사적인 배경을 살펴보고 그 문제점을 정치경제학적 입장에서 설명하고자 한다. 둘째, 개혁개방정책으로 인해 호치민 시에 일어난 일반적인 변화와 호치민 시에 위치한 한 산업지대에서 일어난 특수한 변화를 순차적으로 기술한다. 셋째, 호치민 시의 산업지구에 살고 있는 노동자들이 개혁정책의 두 축인 자본주의화와 외국자본의 등장에 대해 어떻게 적응하고 있는지를 노동자 가구의 정치, 경제, 사회적 재생산과정에 초점을 맞추어 간략하게나마 살펴보겠다. 이상의 논의는 호치민 시가 어떤 역사적, 계급적 모순을 통해 현재에 이르렀으며 어떤 현재적 모순을 통해 미래로 향하고 있는지에 대한 포괄적인 이해를 제공할 것이다.
It is not a new phenomenon that a Third World city is experiencing an intensified linkage to economically advanced foreign capital and its transnational operations. What makes the HCM case distinctive is that the local gatekeepers of global forces show self-contradictory ideologies and roles in "the transition from socialism to capitalism." For example, the state of socialist Vietnam, famous for its strong anti-imperialism, has desperately lured foreign capital to stabilize its economy. Moreover, the state has ironically restored its power through the market economy and dependence on foreign capital. The majority of the working class seem to prefer economic liberalization to the poverty that the inefficient socialist planned economy created, even though they are increasingly caught up in capitalist discipline. Not surprisingly, the role of socialist trade unions, formerly "the transmission belt" between the state and the workers (see Pravda and Rubleeds. 1986), has become ambiguous and self-contradictory.
This essay seeks to outline the various contradictions that the rapidly transforming HCM has faced in the process of socialist reform since the mid-1980s. Toward this end, I first explain the historical background of the reform policy. Second, I describe the change of HCM in general and then of a specific industrial area. Third, based on my fieldwork experience, I discuss how the working class both deals with and resist the capitalist transition and foreign capital, with consequences for the future of the city.
The most noteworthy consequence of the changes in the city is the implausible juxtaposition of the "numerous contradictions" and political stability(Nguyen Khac Vien and Huu Ngoc 1998: 191). First, the city has witnessed rapid class differentiation and growing inequality. The children of prosperous merchants and high officials appear in the downtown discotheques every night, arriving in expensive cars and ordering 200 dollar whiskies. Meanwhile, 300 residents on the island of Ba Sang in TD manage to live with 300,000 VND(20 USD) of monthly household income.
Such contrasts become less and less unusual as the uneven development of the city accelerates. Nor can the trade unions be counted on to win better working and living conditions in the working class. As more workers fall under capitalistic relations of production, the trade unions are losing their ability to influence the decision-making process of the companies. In this process, it is questionable how the socialist state can maintain support from the workers and unions.
Finally, the discrepancy between the dominant ideologies of the socialist state and the social and economic realities of the city creates a number of self-contradictory realities and discourses. The construction of socialism through privatization and 'strong trade unions' cooperating with their companies are just a few of the contradictions.
At this moment it is not easy to predict what changes will occur, or when, or how. It is however clear that the future of the city depends upon how these contradictions are, or are not, resolved
The socio-economic differentiation and the politics of identity in the Korean community of the Ho Chi Minh city
No full text지난 2003년 여름 호치민 총영사관에 한 통의 투서가 날아들었다. 한인회 회보발행과 관련된 회계부정을 고발하는 내용이었다. 회보발간을 전담해 왔던 한인회 간부가 면직되면서 일으킨 보복성 폭로였다. 폭로한 내용이 관례화된 회계비리의 성격을 띠고 있었고 동기도 순수한 것이 아니어서 내부적으로 조용하게 처리할 수 있는 사건임에 분명했다.
한인회가 호치민 한인사회에서 상징적인 대표성을 행사해왔고, 호치민 영사관과 한인회가 보완적인 협력관계를 잘 유지해왔다는 점을 고려할 때 오히려 이런 결말이 자연스럽게 보였다. 하지만이 투서 한통은 호치민 한인사회에 잠재해 있던 여러 가지 성격의 갈등을 드러내는 사회적 드라마(social drama)' (Victor Tumer 1974)의 서막을 알리는 신호탄이었다.
투서 한 통으로 촉발된 한인사회의 내부적 갈등은 약 6개월에 걸친 정치과정을 거쳐서야 어느 정도 가닥을 잡았다. 처음에는 총영사의 주도로 유사사건의 재발방지를 위한 대책회의가 소집되었다. 하지만 이 회의가 본래의 의도를 넘어서서 한인회의 대표성 문제와 한인사회 지도부의 근본적인 개혁을 요구하는 자리로 변모하였다
영사관의 협조와 투자기업협의회의 노력에 힘입어 2003년 12월5일 마침내 호치민 한인사회의 숙원이었던 합법대표단체가 한국상공인연합회(The Korean Chamber of commerce and Industry)라는 이름으로 탄생하였다. 호치민 한인사회에서 코참으로 약칭되는 이 단체의 출현은 필연적으로 한인회의 운명에 대한 논란을 야기 시켰다. 하지만 처음의 우려와는 달리 코참, 한인회, 총영사관이 서로의 이해관계를 충족시킬 수 있는 절충점을 찾는데 성공했다. 삼자 모두 일방적인 승리에 대한 부담을 느낄 수밖에 없었기 때문이다. 코참은 한인회의 편입여부를 한인회의 자율적 결정에 맡기고 한인회의 상이한 역할도 인정한다는 입장을 취했다. 한인회는 총영사관에 대한 성의 표시로 한인회장을 사퇴시키고 새 지도부를 구성했다. 어른답지 못하다는 여론이 일자 총영사관도 한인회를 예전의 관례처럼 보호감독 한다는 타협안을 제시하며 체면을 찾았다.
This article attempts to understand the characteristics of the socio-economic differentiation and the ethnic identity of the Koreans in the Ho Chi Minh city(HCM). As a kind of prologue, this article introduces an episode of conflicts that took place between 'the Korean Association in HCM(KA)' and 'the Korean Chamber of Commerce and Industry(Kocham)' in 2003. The conflicts between the two organizations that competed for the leadership of the Korean community in HCM was intense more than we can expect, and the episode has continued to become the talk of all Koreans in HCM even after the conflicts were amicably resolved. This article explains the meaning and the processes of the conflicts by focusing on, first, the history of the Korean community in HCM and then on the socio-economic differentiation in the community.
Even though the Korean community in HCM has a short history of around 15 years, the socio-economic differentiation in the community has developed as rapidly as any other Korean communities abroad. Especially, the difference in economic conditions is remarkable between the small shop owners called Ja-Young-Yup-Ja(an independent enterprise owner) on one hand and the owners of the medium and small size enterprises and the workers of Korean big companies called altogether Ju-Jae-Won(a resident officer) on the other. In the context of everyday life, the deepening gaps in economic conditions produce different cultural experience and consequent social distance between the two groups.
In conclusion, this article considers the ethnic identity of the Koreans in HCM in terms of the social, cultural, and economic differentiation between the two groups. The definition of Korean identity, in other words, who is "real Koreans" in HCM and how "desirable Koreans" in HCM should behave in the Vietnamese society is significantly different between the two groups. Even though the conflicts of the two representative organizations in the community were only a competition for the leadership of the community in appearance, they are actually a manifestation of identity politics based on the socio-economic differentiation that has historically developed in the Korean community of the Ho Chi Minh city.이 연구는 전북대학교가 지원한 2004년도 전반기 신임교수연구비의 도움으로 수행된 것이다
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
A Declining Mining Town and its Future: A Case Study of Chul-Am Community
No full text본 논문은 폐광지역의 일반적인 정치경제적•사회문화적 조건과 철암의 특수한 정치경제적•사회문화적 조건을 함께 고려하면서 철암이 쇠락해 온 과정과 저개발 되고 있는 이유를 기술하고 분석하고자 한다.
좀더 구체적으로 이 논문은 다음 두 가지 목표를 가지고 있다.
우선, 탄광촌 철암이 발전하고 쇠락해 온 역사적 계기들을 (석탄산업합리화가 계획되어 현재에 이르는) 탄광촌 형성기, 탄광촌 전성기, 폐광촌 시기로 나누어 기술한다. 이 과정에서 철암 주민들이 기억하고 있는 각 시기의 주요사건과 일상사에 주목하여 그들 스스로가 현재 철암의 정치경제적 상황을 역사적으로 어떻게 설명하는지도 살펴볼 것이다. 둘째, 철암이 여타지역에 비해 상대적으로 낙후된 이유를 폐광 이후 철암에서 일어난 재활성화를 위한 노력과 그 한계에 초점을 맞추어 설명한다.
이를 위해 먼저, 석탄합리화사업이 시행되면서 태백-정선 지역에서 일어난 주민운동에 철암 주민들이 어떻게 참여했으며, 그 결과 무엇을 얻었으며, 이런 결과에 대해 주민들은 어떻게 해석하는지를 살펴본다. 이어 철암 주민들이 여타 지역과 마찬가지로 지역활성화에 대한 기대를 가지
고 있음에도 불구하고 철암이 지속적으로 낙후해가는 이유를 철암의 사회적 분화와 특수한 지역정체성과 관련해서 설명해보고자 한다. 주어진 조건 내에서 지원을 적극적으로 활용할 수 있는 지역사회의 역량형성(community empowerment)"(Rappaport 1984: 3) 이 철암에서 제대로 실현되지 못하고 있는 이유를 사회경제적 분화에 따른 이해의 정치학과 이와는 상대적으로 독립된 정체성의 정치학"(Lee 1998: 21)의 상호관계에 주목하여 대답해보고자 한다.
이상의 논의를 통해 이 논문이 최종적으로 목적하는 바는 철암에 미래가 있는가라는 의문에 답하는 것이다. 철암은 아직 폐광되지 않은 대한석탄공사(이하 석공) 장성광업소의 철암분소에서 일하는 현역광부들에 의해 탄광촌으로서의 변모를 근근이 이어오고 있다. 하지만 언제 완전히 폐광촌으로 변해 몰락해 버릴지 모를 위험이 상존하고 있다. 이런 철암에서 희망을 보기 위해서는 묘안이 필요하다. 하지만 철암을 다시 살릴 수 있는 장밋빛 청사진이 무엇이든 이를 실천하기 전에 선행되어야 할 것이 있다. 철암이 끝없이 쇠락의 길을 걸은 역사적 과정과 이를 극복하지 못한 이유에 대한 진지한 탐색이 그것이다.
This article explores the historical processes that the social economic conditions of Chulam, a mining town in Kangwon province of South Korea, have continuously declined since the early 1980s. In so doing, this article attempts to understand the reasons that Chulam is experiencing unsustainable social economic conditions more rapidly than any other neighboring mining towns in the region such as Jungsun and Whangji.
For the purpose, this article focuses on the following three things. First, this article describes three historical periods that Chulam has been through since the early 20th century. As each period represents respectively construction, prosperity, and decline of Chulam as a mining community, this description allows us to see the political economic and social cultural conditions that current Chulam residents are inherited from the past.
Secondly, this article explains Chulam residents' efforts, including strong resistance to the central government, to improve its aggravating social economic conditions. Finally, by attending to both the socio-economic differentiation and historically formed social cultural conditions of Chulam, this article explains the reasons why the efforts made by Chulam residents in recent 10-20 years have mostly failed.
From the beginning, Chulam was built as a mining town. Chulam depended upon mine workers economically and politically. They also weaved the social cultural characteristics of Chulam. Then, the class-specific characteristics of Chulam community consequently results in social and political vacuum when most of miners left Chulam after mining closure in the late 1980s. Meanwhile, small number of remaining mine workers began to indulge themselves in politics of production within their own mining company and they were neither interested nor involved in the community situations and activities anymore. In comparison, several neighboring mining communities such as Whangji, Sabuk, Jungsun found new or alternative leadership, especially in the merchant class who has led a strong resistance movement to win various economic supports from the central government.
Recently Chulam residents, especially small shop owners in Chulam traditional market, realize the problem of their historically rooted dependence on miners and try to make their own voices. However, it remains to be seen whether or not they can revitalize active political processes that Chulam had in the past and were disappeared with mining closures. Whichever class takes power and whatever are the consequences of the power structure established in Chulam in the future, it seems very urgent to revitalize political processes and thereby restore leadership to mitigate rapid collapse of Chulam community in post-mining era.이 연구는 학술진흥재단의 기초학문육성사업(KRF-2003-072-BM1OO4)의 재정적 지원에 의해 이루어진 것이다
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Full text linkWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Full text linkWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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