1,720,972 research outputs found
Italian civil society against the Mafia: policies, perceptions and anti-mafia movement analysis
No full textThere is no doubt that if the issue is Mafia in Italy, broadly, culture falls within the notion of Mafia phenomenon since Mafia’s power has mainly based on the intersection of the culture with its history, politics, and social life in Italy. Sicilian Cosa Nostra (Our Thing), Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta (Society of the Men of Honour), Neopolitan Camorra and Apulian Sacra Corona Unita (United Secret Crown), they all have become more powerful and invincible because of deeply rooted cultural, political, economic and social statuquo under the domination of the Mafiosi which have been protected by its social networks. Even though some preventive measurements have already been held by the state and some fruitful results have been attained, the mafia syndicates somehow managed to survive. The significant question appears in that point which also indicates the reasons of failure in the eradication of the Mafia from the country completely; the production of cultural resistance against the ‘other culture’ from which Mafia emerged and progressed can be a significant resource so as to erase the Mafia associations from the country permanently? This dissertation aims to bring the resistance against the Mafia to the fore so as to fill this lamentable lacuna by analyzing the works of the civil society and their fight against the Mafia through utilizing criminological, sociological and anthropological methods.\ud
Unsurprisingly, the state conception is the key and direct factor as a natural outcome of the crime prevention policies. But, more importantly, the role of the civil society, local people, non-governmental organizations and trade unions, as being the most vulnerable victims of the Mafia, have been neglected policy stakeholders in the creation of new culture –culture of lawfulness- till the last two decades. In this regard, there is not so much insight to attain a structural and clear perspective about the role and future risks and opportunities of the civil society in the combat against the Mafia. In this context, this thesis hopefully aims to fill a void in the field of combating Italian Mafia through taking in account the role of the civil society. Besides, this study moves from the spectrum of cultural sociology as a departure point of view and revisists the arena of social movements as being the crucial instrument for the creation of a new culture by the civil society. Thereby, this dissertation concludes that the story of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia is the fight of two different cultures; the Mafia created convenient atmosphere for subordination of the local people by applying violence, improving desultory atmosphere for market competition, entering any legal, half legal or illegal enterprise and seizing any opportunity to increase their profits. By contrast, cultural perspective of the civil society grounds on the civic action movement against the cultural hegemony of the former one so this new cultural deterrence targets to improve a new culture comprising lawfulness, solidarity, transparency and democratic quality in the long run. Therefore, the main research question emerges from the clashes of these two cultural representatives of the Mafia and civil society and the reflection of this struggle on the government which is about the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia in Italy and how do/can they shape the state policies in dealing with the risks posed by the Mafia to the social, political and human security of the country.\ud
This dissertation argues that the role of NGOs, which are working on the strategies against the Mafia, in shaping of policy responses on the Italian government to the risks posed by Mafia groups, is identical but not substantial up to now because though each NGOs have identical objects and aims, that is difficult to observe that they have sufficient power to make necessary pressure on the government. Moreover, the same challenge is valid to transform their mobilization from small social movement structures to a mass movement to lead a radical social change. However, the main contention of the dissertation argues that underestimation of the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia should be the last thing to be done. Accordingly, it was found that NGOs, civil society, have the potential to create solutions but the governments are reluctant to demonstrate such cooperation. In doing so, the governments retain power which enjoy implementing top-down policies rather than bottom-up. Therefore, it tends to neglect the role of NGOs unless civil society has the potential to make major changes that can determine the policies of the ruling parties. Finally, this dissertation suggests that the most significant and effective policy to fight against the Mafia is resolving its strong social networks through the cooperation of the state and non-state forces. More to the point, such cooperation ought to be structured by bottom-up policies and a unification/council, which can be established and protected by legal statuaries, should be supported by consistent efforts of the state and non-state forces. Last but not least, Italy remains to be a role model for other countries where Mafia flourishes thanks to the civic resistance of the Italian civil society. Their unabated struggle is the harbinger of the Mafia’s defeat in the long run while serving to the needs of their ideals, creating bottom-up democracy and flourishing culture of lawfulness at the same time.\u
Performance matters more than masculinity: violence, gender dynamics and mafia women
Get PDFNarrating the stories of Italian mafia women and classifying their performance, this study shows that mafiosi masculinity creates a violent social atmosphere for women. The performance practised by women may give rise to a higher social status or credibility for the women or may make them vulnerable against violence and risks posed by mafia activity. Women's performances against violent mafia activity can bring definitive failure to the solid structure of the mafia family. Yet, conversely, the performance of women under the influence of mafiosi masculinity can also render the mafia more resilient against threat
When a journalist defies more than the mafia: The legacy of Giuseppe Fava and Italian Antimafia Culture
No full textCreating Counter-publics Against The Italian Mafia
Get PDFThis study aims to develop insight into the new media’s struggle against the Mafia in Italy, taking the Libera Informazione, an anti-mafia civil society organization, which was established in 2007, as a case study. This article argues that the endeavours of the Libera Informazione include, first, creating a public sphere for anti-mafia entries into the media and then renewing public culture through channels in the constructed public sphere. During this process, communication strategies aim to inform the public at the local and national level to increase consciousness about the political-criminal nexus and activities of the mafia groups. Drawing in anthropological, moral, and reformist model of journalism, we assert that such a struggle is not attainable in the short-run but requires a consistent effort and inspiration, which already exist in the struggle of anti-mafia media establishments against the Mafia in Italy
Codes of Commitment to Crime and Resistance: Determining Social and Cultural Factors over the Behaviors of Italian Mafia Women
Get PDFThis article categorizes thirty-three women in four main Italian Mafia groups and explores social and cultural behaviors of these women. This study introduces the feminist theory of belief and action. The theoretical inquiry investigates the sometimes conflicting behaviors of women when they are subject to systematic oppression. I argue that there is a cultural polarization among the categorized sub-groups. Conservative radicals give their support to the Mafia while defectors and rebels resist the Mafia. After testing the theory, I assert that emancipation of women depends on the strength of their beliefs to perform actions against the Mafiosi culture
The Impossible Mission: Global Justice Movement against Transnational Organized Crime
Get PDFThis article argues that the best counterattack against globally oriented transnational organized crime (TOC) is by a global response. The contribution of participating states and the creation of a collective identity against TOC are both necessary. This creation would be more effective through transnational social movements. Therefore, activating the global justice movement (GJM) against TOC would be a significant achievement. This has not yet taken place for both structural and ideological reasons which are on the surface quite rational. If GJM activists create a more unified movement, however, and adhere more strictly to non-violence as have other social movements like the Libera anti-Mafia association of Italy and Flare Network of Europe, there is potential for convergence
Resistance against the Mafia: A Civic Struggle to Defy an Uncontestable Power
Get PDFThis study is based on participant observation of a protest against the Mafia that occurred in Rome on 26 September 2009. First, this essay offers an analysis by using symbols and their meanings, which are illustrated through the 'pyramid of social protest'. Second, the framing and process of the protest are analysed. Two new concepts are presented: the culture of lawfulness frame and the implicit contested process. Third, this essay shows that defying the Mafia begins with individual motivation but ends with the collective motivation behind the decision to be an activist. This decision includes ethically oriented reasons rather than being based on a materialistically calculated reasoning. Finally, the struggle of anti-Mafia movement illuminates cultural anthropology through its desire for a progressive society in which strong symbolic interactionism among the activists play an important role
Book review: Mafia life: love, death and money at the heart of organised crime by Federico Varese
Get PDFIn Mafia Life: Love, Death and Money at the Heart of Organised Crime, Federico Varese journeys into the everyday lives of members of different mafia groups across the globe, from the Sicilian Cosa Nostra to the Japanese Yakuza. Drawing on wiretaps, reportage, historical analysis, legal evidence and biography, this book offers readers the opportunity to go beyond the fabricated images of the Mafia ..
Italian civil society against the Mafia: From perceptions to expectations
No full textThis study presents the results of a survey of 72 civil society organisations in Italy that work against the Mafia. The study investigated their perceptions of the anti-Mafia movement in four main areas: (1) government performance, (2) civil society performance, (3) the government-civil society relationship, and (4) the Mafia phenomenon and anti-Mafia policies. The study first revealed that civil society is not satisfied with the government's performance on anti-Mafia policies. Second, civil society finds its own performance relatively better than the government's, although it needs improvement. Third, civil society perceives a conflict between the government and civil society concerning anti-Mafia policies. Fourth, the Mafia-politician network is seen by civil society as the most important factor in the Mafia's power. Finally, creating a culture of lawfulness is perceived as the most influential anti-Mafia measure attainable
The zones of fragility: outlaws and the forms of violence in the Ottoman Empire
Get PDFThis study explores the relationship between violence and power through examining the archival documents about the outlaws in the Ottoman Empire from 1852 to 1876. I argue that the outlaws and the use of violence in the public sphere defied the power of the Ottoman Empire. Thereof, the present study agrees with the main thesis of Hannah Arendt about the destructive influence of violence on power. However, I take Hannah Arendt's argument on violence one step further by claiming that the form of violence -whether political or non-political- loses its significance when both public safety and state sovereignty are under great threats at the same time in the zones of fragility
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