224,408 research outputs found
The campaign for democratic socialism 1960-1964.
No full textPhDIn early 1960 it seemed likely that the official Labour
Party defence policy would be defeated by a unilateralist
resolution at the Scarborough Conference. In response to
this possibility the Campaign for Democratic Socialism,
or CDS, was established.
The CDS projected the image of a grass-roots movement
inspired by Gaitskell's "fight and fight again" speech.
But it was run by a Campaign Committee which included
leading members of the Party like Tony Crosland, Roy
Jenkins and Patrick Gordon Walker, as well as less well
known members like Bill Rodgers, Dick Taverne, Philip
Williams, Brian Walden, Denis Howell and David Marquand.
This highly talented group launched an elaborate and
successful lobbying, publicity and briefing operation
which was influential in overturning the unilateralist
vote at the Blackpool Conference of 1961. After Blackpool
the Campaign helped many of its leading members find
seats in the House of Commons while continuing to put the
"revisionist" case through its newspaper Campaign.
The importance of the CDS in the history of the Labour
Party is, primarily, as the first internal pressure group
organised by the right of the Party. It was also the
first internal Party group to use such sophisticated
lobbying techniques. Moreover, the subsequent careers of
the leading members of the Campaign influenced the
development of the Labour Party. The CDS was an important
formative political action for many of them. Finally many
of the CDS supporters set-up or joined the SDP when it
was launched
Tainted Money? Contribution Limits and the Effectiveness of Campaign Spending
No full textCampaign expenditures are not effective in increasing candidates’ vote shares if voters do not respond to the advertisement when they believe that campaign expenditures are financed with “tainted money.” In this situation, limiting contributions may reduce the number of policy favors that candidates promise to contributors, and thereby increase the effectiveness of campaign spending. Exploiting cross-state variation in campaign finance laws, this paper tests whether campaign expenditures by state House candidates are more productive in increasing vote shares when candidates run in states that limit contributions. The results show that campaign expenditures by incumbents, challengers, and open seat candidates are more productive when candidates run in states with campaign contribution limits, as opposed to in states without limits. Controlling for the endogeneity of incumbent spending, the study shows that in states with contribution limits, incumbent spending and challenger spending are equally productive, and that spending by both candidates is quantitatively important in increasing their vote shares.
ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL MARKETING FOR ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN: CASE STUDY OF FILM “KITA VERSUS KORUPSI”
No full textThe paper aims to explain the application of commercial marketing theory in a social marketing
campaign. This study derives from secondary sources have been conducted, including previous researches and
published articles. The writer finds yhat the theory of marketing mix has been used to study the film proposition.
Furthermore, another “P”, namely Partnership, and segmentation has also been added to the campaign. The
marketer has applied the commercial marketing approach in the film, as one of the campaigns for anticorruption
in Indonesia, to ensure that the campaign will be effectively delivered for the target audience. This
finding can serve as a guideline for best practices in social marketing campaign for other sector or mission. In
addition, the paper doesn’t aim to evaluate the effectiveness of the film as a social marketing campaign. It just wants to analyze the application of commercial sector marketing that applied in the film
Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy: Evidence From the States
No full textThe decline of political efficacy and trust in the United States is often linked to the rise of money in politics. Both the courts and reform advocates justify restrictions on campaign donations and spending as necessary for the improvement of links between the government and the governed. We conduct the first test of whether campaign finance laws actually influence how citizens view their government by exploiting the variation in campaign finance regulations both across and within states during the last half of the 20th century. Our analysis reveals no large positive effects of campaign finance laws on political efficacy. Public disclosure laws and limits on contributions from organizations are in some cases associated with modest increases in efficacy, but public financing is associated with a similarly modest decrease in efficacy.Campaign finance, trust, social capital
“One Man, One Dollar”? Examining the equalization argument in support of campaign contribution limits
No full textArguably the most important campaign finance regulations in U.S. federal elections are limits imposed on the amount that an individual or organization may donate to a federal campaign. Such contribution limits are advocated on two separate grounds. The first is that they prevent corruption, the second is that they democratize the financing of campaigns by equalizing the relative influence of donors. According to the latter argument, an equalization of donor influence is desirable because it causes campaign resources to more accurately reflect public support for candidates and their political ideas. I construct a formal model to illustrate this equalization argument in support of contribution limits. The analysis calls attention to a number of implicit assumptions underlying the corresponding money primary analogy for campaign fund-raising. The central assumption is that a candidate’s reliance on large contributions is an indicator of negative characteristics not revealed through her campaign communication. The model also suggests a method for testing this assumption, as it implies a negative relationship between a candidate’s reliance on large contributions and her electoral success. Using data on elections to the House of Representatives between 1990 and 2002, I find no evidence that such a negative relationship exists. This empirical result casts doubt on the equalization argument in support of campaign contribution limits.Elections, Campaign Contributions, Speech, Signaling, Campaign Advertising, Corruption, Inequality, Equality, First Amendment, Buckley
The Effects of Campaign Finance Laws on Turnout, 1950-2000
No full textScholars have proposed many routes by which campaign finance laws may impact turnout. For instance, laws restricting campaign spending may decrease mobilization, resulting in lower turnout. Alternatively, such laws might increase the competitiveness of elections, resulting in higher turnout. Existing studies tend to focus on only one causal pathway, ignoring the net effects of campaign finance reforms on voter turnout. We exploit the variation in state campaign finance laws from 1950 to 2000 in order to estimate the reduced-form relationships between reform and turnout. Using both aggregate and individual-level data, we find that campaign finance laws on net have little impact on turnout in gubernatorial elections. There are two exceptions to this finding: Limits on organizational contributions are shown in an individual level analysis to increase turnout prior to a sea change in campaign finance ushered in by the Buckley v. Valeo decision in 1976, while public financing laws are shown to have an equally large negative impact on turnout in the post-Buckley era. These results strengthens the existing literature, which finds similarly perverse effects of public financing on the quality of democracy, and demonstrates the advantages of reduced-form analysis for understanding the influence of laws on behavior.voting, campaign finance
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A letter from the Help the Children of Armero, Colombia Campaign to Dr. Hector P. Garcia.
No full textA letter of thanks from the Help the Children of Armero, Colombia campaign to Dr. Hector P. Garcia, informing him that the group raised $3,700 dollars
Analysis of communication pathways and impacts of the Boo! Boo! Rat! campaign
No full textTo help rice farmers overcome problems of chronic rodent infestation, the Boo! Boo! Rat! campaign was implemented in Zaragosa, Nueva Ecija, Philippines. The campaign promoted ecologically based rodent management (EBRM) as a community-level management approach. Our study was conducted one year after the campaign to evaluate its success in promoting EBRM messages, to provide insights on effective pathways to communicate and diffuse EBRM, and to document its impacts on the community. We conducted focus group discussions with farmers in nine villages within Zaragosa, and a quantitative survey among a random sample of 86 respondents to measure differences in knowledge, attitudes, and practices. The Boo! Boo! Rat! campaign successfully created awareness of EBRM, especially in the intensive-campaign village. The most effective pathways to reach farmers were personal interaction with those who champion EBRM, high-profile activities including the campaign launch and TV coverage, implementation for at least one cropping season, and constant visibility in the media. Mechanisms in place in the intensive-campaign village also facilitated the practice of EBRM by farmers. There were significant differences in knowledge and attitudes between those who were influenced by the campaign and those who had not heard of it. Moreover, there was a shift away from reliance on pesticides, the use of methods that are harmful to humans and the environment, and no action at all. Where intervention occurred, farmers in the dry season (DS) got higher yields of about 1 ton/ha. Farmers also emphasized that a stronger social cohesion was created because of the EBRM activities introduced in the campaign
The chancellor-candidates and the campaign
No full textThe 'presidentialisation' of recent federal elections has made the selection and performance of the 'chancellor-candidates' for the SPD and CDU/CSU an increasingly important factor in German electoral politics. In the 2002 election, the chancellor-candidates assumed an unusually prominent role as their leadership and media skills were tested by the key events of the campaign, in particular the 'flood of the century' (Jahrhundertflut) and the Iraq question. This article explores the leadership race from the selection of the chancellor-candidates and their handling of the campaign to the dramatic photo-finish and campaign post-mortems. It examines the institutional context in which the campaign strategies were hatched and developed; the profiles and tactics of the two key players: Schrder and Stoiber; and press and public evaluation of their performance. In conclusion, it asks to what extent the 2002 election campaign has changed the perception and role of chancellor-candidates in federal contests
campaign-planning-tool v0.1.3
No full textPlanning scanning lidar measurement campaigns is not a trivial task. There are many constraints, originating both from the campaign site as well from the lidar technology, which a campaign planner needs to consider to derive the best possible layout of the campaign. The same can be said for configuring scanning lidars to acquire high-quality measurements.
These tasks have been typically done ad-hoc and manually, thus requiring lidar expertize. However, since 2018 a work has been put to digitalize these processes, making them simpler for end-users.
After almost a decade of planning and configuring scanning lidar measurement campaigns, the accumulated experience and knowledge has been converted to campaign-planning-tool library, fascilitating the above mentioned tasks.
You don't need to be a scanning lidar expert anymore to design and configure scanning lidar campaigns!!!
That burden has been eliminated now, or at least that's the hope!
This is v0.1.3 of campaign-planning-tool.
Check the official Github repository for details how install and run campaign-planning-tool.</p
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