1,720,980 research outputs found
The Underperformance of the North Korean Human Rights Act: A Study on the Politicization of North Korean Human Rights in the United States
No full textDuring the mid-1990s, a food crisis struck the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, resulting in the burgeoning North Korean diaspora that persists to this day. The majority of defectors have resettled to South Korea as the United States has emerged as another destination since passage of the North Korean Human Rights Act (NKHRA), an Act specifically devoted to promoting North Korean human rights and authorizing the admission of North Korean refugees. However, between passage of the NKHRA on October 2004 to the end of the Obama Administration on January 2017, only 212 North Korean refugees were admitted from overseas, while only an estimated 40 have received political asylum.
The total number of North Korean refugees are low in large part because of China’s policy to immediately repatriate all North Korean defectors. However, that does not fully explain why the passage of the NKHRA has not been accompanied by larger numbers of North Korean refugees in the United States. The literature suggests that refugee resettlement in the United States is highly politicized. This thesis examines the impact of this politicization in three dimensions on the refugee resettlement of North Korean defectors.
The three dimensions are: the impact of party polarization on the framing of the NKHRA as a Republican issue, the prioritization of security concerns over human rights, and the discord between two networks with conflicted views on how to balance humanitarian aid concerns with human rights concerns.
The author conducted 18 interviews with North Korean defectors, senior-level members across various NGOs, Christian pastors, members from humanitarian engagement networks, and members from human rights advocacy networks. The author relies profoundly on the large literature pertaining to the negative relationship between human rights considerations and U.S. refugee resettlement practices.
This thesis finds that the politicization of North Korean human rights in the United States helps in adequately explaining the phenomenon above and beyond inefficient procedural reasons and China’s role as an uncooperative middleman. Ultimately, the interplay between these three dimensions of politicization amplified the NKHRA’s underperformance
Jummah on Jeju Island: Assessing the Legal Status and Integration of Yemeni Migrants in South Korea
No full textIn the summer of 2018, the serenity and natural splendor of South Korea’s Jeju Island suddenly became the backdrop of an unexpected migrant crisis as over six hundred asylum seekers from Yemen arrived on the island. The unanticipated arrival of Yemeni asylum seekers has consequently embroiled both Jeju Island and the entire nation of South Korea in contested debates over immigration, asylum, and the belongingness of foreigners and refugees in South Korean society.
Since arriving on Jeju Island, the Yemeni migrants have faced a host of challenges related to their asylum and migration process, thereby raising important questions about the migrants’ legal status determination and integration. First, why has South Korea issued a disproportionate number of G-1 visas to Yemeni asylum seekers in lieu of seemingly fitting refugee status, and what are the implications of this? Second, Yemeni migrants have received limited integration support from the South Korean government, posing significant challenges to the migrants’ wellbeing and inclusion in key realms of South Korean society. With this, why has integration support been so threadbare, or even absent?
Drawing upon qualitative interviews, public policy analysis, and existing scholarly literature, this thesis puts forth the following findings. First, Yemeni migrants’ legal status determination was problematized by preexisting structural barriers and civilian backlash, resulting in the disproportionate and inappropriate issuance of G-1 visas in lieu of formal refugee status. Second, Yemeni migrants received insufficient integration support due to their limited legal rights under their G-1 visas as well as support service implementation barriers. To address these findings, this thesis recommends that the South Korean government bolster resources in existing immigration offices, promote civilian education programs, improve access to immigration support facilities, and prioritize collaboration with civil society
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
“CHINESE VIRUS”: The U.S. Government and Institutionalized Racism in the COVID-19 Pandemic
No full textIn 2020, a global pandemic disrupted the world. Countries took different steps to
minimize the effect that COVID-19 would ultimately have on their region. The U.S., under
former President Trump, operated with an early ban on travel from China, utilized strong
language including “Chinese Virus,” and demonstrated minimal efforts to address the increasing
discrimination against East Asian people in the U.S. Such policies, rhetoric, and incidents are
reminiscent of a time in U.S. history when anti-Asian discrimination was more overt. There are
existing debates about whether the aforementioned policies and actions led by Trump and the
U.S. government qualify as racially discriminatory. Given America’s long and strong history of
institutionalized racism, this thesis seeks to investigate elements of institutionalized racism in the
first nine months of the pandemic, from January 2020 to September 2020.
This thesis approaches COVID-19-related U.S. governance in three areas. First, the issue
of travel restrictions is explored, comparing the U.S.’s policies surrounding the ban and their
effects with those of comparable countries. The first chapter isolates for institutionalized bias and
racism by inspecting U.S. policies toward China versus other countries’ policies versus U.S.
policies toward other countries. Second, discriminatory rhetoric, hate crimes, and the role of the
federal government are explored, comparing the COVID-19 outbreak to past epidemics or global
crises. Last but not least, the third chapter seeks to understand the history of the Asian experience
in America. The historical precedent of heighted Asian American discrimination in times of
health emergencies is why this thesis expects to find evidence of institutionalized racism by the
U.S. government throughout this pandemic.
Using a qualitative methods approach, the actions of the U.S government and its
representatives strongly indicate institutionalized racism against Asian people. Results of the
analysis show that U.S. travel policies were disproportionately harsh on China in ways that did
not align with its domestic or non-China-targeting international policies. Findings also indicated
that Trump’s rhetoric proved harmful, as did broad inaction by the federal government during
this time period. Finally, the historical analysis suggests that not only is COVID-19 another
iteration of the scapegoating of Asian people, but it highlights the foresight that the U.S.
government did and should have had, holding them accountable for their inexcusable inactions.
Given that the U.S. has a strong and unfortunate history of discriminating against Asian
people under the guise of eradicating disease, as well as a history of acknowledging and
proactively addressing foreseeable discrimination, the attacks and loud inactions during the
COVID-19 pandemic make strong cases for institutionalized racism. Policymakers must
standardize institutional practices and responses during global crises that are slated to threaten
any marginalized group. This applies to both international policies such as travel restrictions as
well as policies that aim to hold the Department of Justice accountable to a standard domestic
response to protect minority groups. This thesis also demonstrates a need for more stringent
regulations regarding what a President is and is not in fact allowed to communicate. Last but not
least, policymakers have the responsibility to provide equal access to Asian American education.
Once such policies are in place, the active effort to root out institutionalized racism can lead the
way for a less intolerant America
Violence and Radicalization in a Socialist Haven: A Study of Domestic Integration Policy and Taboo Culture in Sweden
No full textOver the past four years, Sweden has welcomed around 300,000 migrants in a population of ten million, the highest proportion of migrants to general population of any country in Europe during this timeframe. Furthermore, influxes of immigrants from the Middle East and Central Asia have changed the ethnic composition of Sweden, which traditionally sees itself as a largely homogeneous country.
Scholars and global leaders alike tend to look at Sweden as the archetypical welcoming state that promotes multiculturalism and an open society. Yet, as Sweden grapples with how best to process and integrate the significant proportion of recent immigrants, failures in current integration policy have led to severe consequences. Among these consequences is an increase in crime in Sweden. Immigrants have committed a disproportionate percentage of this crime, especially those migrants living in ethnically segregated suburbs. This thesis aims to understand the paradoxical situation in which Sweden is both a tolerant, generous, multicultural state while also experiencing highly segregated migrant housing estates with socioeconomic and educational disparities. By looking at Swedish integration policy, de facto segregation, and Swedish taboo culture, this thesis answers why there is a discrepancy between the intent of integration policy and the reality of policy in Sweden.
I find that Swedish taboo culture, namely the social and political reluctance to mention race, culture, and ethnicity in relation to issues with immigrants, is at the core of integration failure. This cultural taboo prevents Swedish policymakers from directly addressing issues that impedes successful integration of migrants into Swedish life, ranging from work to education to simple housing opportunities. Ultimately, this thesis predicts that only if Swedish political leadership directly confronts taboo culture will integration policy that adequately addresses the issue of long-term success for migrants succeed
“We Can Do This”: A Mixed Methods Analysis of German Citizens’ Reception and Responses to the Syrian and Ukrainian Refugee Crises
No full textEurope has experienced two major refugee crises in the 21st Century: Syria in 2016, as a result of the Syrian Civil War, and Ukraine in 2022, as a result of the Russo-Ukrainian War. Germany emerged as a leader in accepting Syrian refugees in 2016 and repeated its feat with Ukrainian refugees in 2022. However, differences in how citizens received the two different refugee groups prompted questioning into attitudes and responses. This thesis examines the difference in the reception and responses of German citizens in 2016 and 2022 to better understand how citizens reacted to each crisis. I begin by comparing the two refugee groups and examining literature on refugee studies to understand the influence of labeling, perspectives on what different types of refugees deserve, integration, media coverage, and citizens’ contact with refugees on how citizens receive refugees following a crisis.
I then analyze my data to better understand citizen reception. I find that citizens’ attitudes differed across years, with citizens having more negative attitudes in 2016 than in 2022. I found that individual determinants impact attitudes and identified the following relationships: men, young people, native-born citizens, people with higher incomes, and people with left-wing ideologies had more positive attitudes towards refugees than women, older people, foreigners, people with lower incomes, and people with right-wing ideologies. Additionally, students and self-employed individuals had more positive attitudes than paid employees.
I find that citizens prefer refugees that they rate highly and that citizens took into account economic considerations, as they preferred young refugees who were employed with skills and had strong language skills. Additionally, they took into account humanitarian considerations, preferring refugees who fled due to religious, political, or ethnic persecution over refugees who fled due to economic concerns. I also found evidence that anti-Muslim sentiment affects citizen preferences.
I then analyze interviews with individuals who work at refugee assistance organizations to understand citizens’ responses. I found that citizens responded similarly in 2016 and 2022, with citizens offering to house refugees and volunteering with refugees in both years. Ukrainian refugees were publicized more in the media than Syrian refugees were, which may have impacted citizens’ responses. Language was identified as a key challenge for refugees integrating into German society and difficulties surrounding class time length, and rigor lead to high refugee dropout rates. Between crises, Germany made many improvements to its asylum infrastructure and system to make it easier for refugees to receive support and protection.
I recommend the continuation of federal programs like Menschen stärken Menschen, or “People Strengthen People,” to encourage the establishment of relationships between citizens and refugees to increase exposure and build community. I also recommend improvements to the current asylum system, mainly relating to the timeline and accessibility of language, cultural, and job training classes. I recommend further research to continue to examine citizens’ reception and responses to the Ukrainian refugee crisis and for continued comparison between the two groups to ensure successful integration is achieved across refugee groups. My work contributes to the scholarship by comparing the reception and responses of German citizens during two very different refugee crises. Additionally, my findings help address gaps in the literature on how refugee characteristics are related to citizens’ attitudes. My research is applicable to other countries and refugee groups and can help form the foundation for successful integration policies and practices that mutually benefit citizens and refugees
Jummah on Jeju Island: Assessing the Legal Status and Integration of Yemeni Migrants in South Korea
No full textIn the summer of 2018, the serenity and natural splendor of South Korea’s Jeju Island suddenly became the backdrop of an unexpected migrant crisis as over six hundred asylum seekers from Yemen arrived on the island. The unanticipated arrival of Yemeni asylum seekers has consequently embroiled both Jeju Island and the entire nation of South Korea in contested debates over immigration, asylum, and the belongingness of foreigners and refugees in South Korean society.
Since arriving on Jeju Island, the Yemeni migrants have faced a host of challenges related to their asylum and migration process, thereby raising important questions about the migrants’ legal status determination and integration. First, why has South Korea issued a disproportionate number of G-1 visas to Yemeni asylum seekers in lieu of seemingly fitting refugee status, and what are the implications of this? Second, Yemeni migrants have received limited integration support from the South Korean government, posing significant challenges to the migrants’ wellbeing and inclusion in key realms of South Korean society. With this, why has integration support been so threadbare, or even absent?
Drawing upon qualitative interviews, public policy analysis, and existing scholarly literature, this thesis puts forth the following findings. First, Yemeni migrants’ legal status determination was problematized by preexisting structural barriers and civilian backlash, resulting in the disproportionate and inappropriate issuance of G-1 visas in lieu of formal refugee status. Second, Yemeni migrants received insufficient integration support due to their limited legal rights under their G-1 visas as well as support service implementation barriers. To address these findings, this thesis recommends that the South Korean government bolster resources in existing immigration offices, promote civilian education programs, improve access to immigration support facilities, and prioritize collaboration with civil society
Violence and Radicalization in a Socialist Haven: A Study of Domestic Integration Policy and Taboo Culture in Sweden
No full textOver the past four years, Sweden has welcomed around 300,000 migrants in a population of ten million, the highest proportion of migrants to general population of any country in Europe during this timeframe. Furthermore, influxes of immigrants from the Middle East and Central Asia have changed the ethnic composition of Sweden, which traditionally sees itself as a largely homogeneous country.
Scholars and global leaders alike tend to look at Sweden as the archetypical welcoming state that promotes multiculturalism and an open society. Yet, as Sweden grapples with how best to process and integrate the significant proportion of recent immigrants, failures in current integration policy have led to severe consequences. Among these consequences is an increase in crime in Sweden. Immigrants have committed a disproportionate percentage of this crime, especially those migrants living in ethnically segregated suburbs. This thesis aims to understand the paradoxical situation in which Sweden is both a tolerant, generous, multicultural state while also experiencing highly segregated migrant housing estates with socioeconomic and educational disparities. By looking at Swedish integration policy, de facto segregation, and Swedish taboo culture, this thesis answers why there is a discrepancy between the intent of integration policy and the reality of policy in Sweden.
I find that Swedish taboo culture, namely the social and political reluctance to mention race, culture, and ethnicity in relation to issues with immigrants, is at the core of integration failure. This cultural taboo prevents Swedish policymakers from directly addressing issues that impedes successful integration of migrants into Swedish life, ranging from work to education to simple housing opportunities. Ultimately, this thesis predicts that only if Swedish political leadership directly confronts taboo culture will integration policy that adequately addresses the issue of long-term success for migrants succeed
The Impact of Group Membership: Integration of North Korean Defectors in South Korea
No full textAnyone aware of the realities regarding life in North Korea will mostly likely
agree that defection to the South offers a higher quality lifestyle than the North.
However, after arriving in South Korea, North Koreans face various social, economic and
emotional hardships. Socially, North Koreans find difficulty in communicating with South
Koreans due to the disparities between the two Korean languages, a consequence of
decades of division. Economically, South Korea boasts a highly developed society with a
severely competitive nature. In terms of educational and employment opportunity,
most North Koreans do not finish secondary schooling, where the curriculum is majorly
aligned with North Korean ideology. Therefore, many North Koreans find themselves
lacking the professional experience and skills crucial for most high-level employment
opportunities in South Korea, despite reeducation classes and welfare granted to them.
It is common for North Koreans to feel like lower class citizens, although the
South Korean government calls the North Korean defectors the "new settlers".
However, the prejudice they face because of their lack of South Korean nationhood does
not help to assuage this. The mutual distrust between North Korean resettlers, often
referred to as "saeteomin", result in South Koreans considering defectors as outsiders.
These sentiments cause feelings of alienation, isolation among North Koreans. Defectors
who lack comfort in their new communities are less likely to reach out networks of
people for help in navigating the unfamiliar world of South Korea. Consequently, North
Korean defectors lack access to health, education and employment opportunities.
Although many North Korean defectors face these obstacles in their effort to
integrate, there are defectors who have a made a name of themselves and/or are
financially stable. In this thesis we will explore what causes the disparity between the
defectors who integrate well and those who do not. I aim to define the cause as an issue
of sense of belonging, which can be found in community and religious organizations. I
hypothesize that the successful integration of North Koreans calls for the increased
funding and creation of community programs made available for North Korean
defectors, particularly after they leave the Hanawon reeducation center. In proving this
hypothesis, I hope to gain insight as how to improve the current method of re-education
and assimilation courses for North Koreans. Ideally, defectors will be able to enter into
welcoming communities once they fully resettle into South Korean society
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